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TZP3 4/25/2005 4:51 PM Page 53 3 The security state Chapter 2 offered not only a critique of the NSD, but also sketched alternatives to its theories of justice and citizenship. I now want to examine two further debates that will not only refer us to back to some of the other critiques offered in Chapter 1, but will also act as a platform for Chapter 8 when we examine an important aspect of ecowelfare. Here, the intention is not so much to analyse the principles of community, meritocracy, reciprocity and inclusion as to understand the means by which the NSD

in After the new social democracy
The Indian experience

of the party system.3 Now there are many political parties based on ascriptive identities. There are others that have primarily a regional political entity. These small political parties have, however, become important players in the national political system because of the erosion of the dominant party system that had provided India with political stability under the Congress Party. Coalition politics is now accepted as the dominant form of politics. Further, the 1990s also saw the political rise of the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) within the democratic system. The

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Open Access (free)
Kosovo and the outlines of Europe’s new order

: bipolarity, systemic thinking and the mindset of inclusion–exclusion continue to cast their shadows beyond the Berlin Wall. The vacuum of Europe’s nameless 1990s has attracted many new visions, and offers to fill the conceptual void left by the end of communism. Rosy scenarios along the lines of Fukuyama’s ‘end of history’ were soon followed by the suggestion of the ‘new pessimists’ that we are instead entering a period of a

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Open Access (free)
Transgressing the cordon sanitaire: understanding the English Defence League as a social movement

, 2010: 25). For Copsey this is because the EDL ‘is not driven by a fascist or neo-fascist ideological end goal’, while for Allen (2011: 294), the movement’s successful inclusion of ‘some Jews, gays and others normally excluded by the far right’ is the distinguishing factor. What it ‘is’, however, remains an object of academic, and political, dispute. Jackson (2011a: 7) recognises that the EDL’s self-representation as not traditionally far right, not anti-Semitic and having a multicultural constituency of support and membership is true ‘to an extent’, but he

in Loud and proud

policy has been relatively free of irredentist revisionism. (b) Because primitive state formation always involves some degree of inclusion and exclusion, whether the specific social forces incorporated at the founding of regimes were largely satisfied (privileged) or dissatisfied (plebeian) also tends to set states on opposing status quo or revisionist tangents. Specifically, those, often monarchies, forged around traditional satisfied classes implanted, penetrated and supported by the Western ‘core’ were biased toward status quo policies, while the wave of revolt

in The international politics of the Middle East

new democratic ethos of the Bundeswehr and playing a significant role in building up the Federal Republic’s political capital and credibility as a security actor. Annually throughout the Cold War up to 200,000 young men were inducted to the armed forces as Grundwehrdienstleistende, alongside its regular personnel and reservists, to enable the Bundeswehr to reach its augmented wartime strength of around 1 million personnel. During the Cold War, as was noted in 1973 in a government report, a move away from compulsory military service was deemed plausible only in the

in Germany and the use of force

of the reorganization of the GSP has a negative impact on commitment. A wave of EU agreements with Latin American countries and regions including Mercosur The EU became the most important aid donor to Latin America. The use of the GSP was considered a way of stabilizing democracy in Central America and a way of helping the Andean Community (Caetano et al. 2010). The agreements that were created in the 1990s (the third-generation agreements) included the democratic clause – the signatories had to respect democratic values and be democracies. The guidelines of 1990

in The European Union's policy towards Mercosur:
What contribution to regional security?

in Black Sea affairs, it has supported engagement in soft security issues, but has been less encouraging on the inclusion of hard security. The European Commission, in its 1997 report to the Council, suggested that cooperative efforts could constructively focus on the promotion of political dialogue, the strengthening of human rights, democracy and the rule of law, as well as on the reduction of drug trafficking, smuggling and illegal immigration throughout the region.12 From within the region, stronger calls 211 2504Chap11 7/4/03 12:41 pm Page 212

in Limiting institutions?
Open Access (free)
Modernisation via Europeanisation

preferences of the Danes or the British. This was confirmed in 1985 at Milan, when Ireland was the only new Member State to vote with the ‘inner six’ on the question of treaty change. From the outset, Ireland’s two main political parties – Fianna Fail (FF) and Fine Gael (FG) – favoured membership of the EU. The Labour party (LAB), which opposed membership in the 1972 referendum, quickly accepted the democratic choice of the Irish electorate but remained vigilant on such issues as neutrality and neo-liberal market integration. It did not take a formal position on the SEA in

in Fifteen into one?
An introduction

suggest there is a democratic deficit in the notion of a knowledge economy that they believe is overcome by the use of the concept of knowledge societies. Knowledge-based economies are growing all around us, but they do not always acknowledge the democratic deficit and normative dimensions of science and scientific institutions. The knowledge economy is market driven and performs according to a market ideology, which stands in a problematic but not necessarily conflicting relation to the norms and ideas of the knowledge society (Sörlin and Vessuri, 2007). UNESCO

in Knowledge, democracy and action