Open Access (free)
Julie Evans, Patricia Grimshaw, David Philips and Shurlee Swain

recourse to European codes and practices relating to the rights and responsibilities of conquest and discovery that were themselves enmeshed in international rivalries between imperial powers. 8 As Barbara Arneil has observed, English liberalism, as developed by J. S. Mill and others, was (and is) ‘plagued by the powerful colonial interests within which it is rooted’. 9 In particular, liberalism became infused with Lockean

in Equal subjects, unequal rights
From revolution to reform
David S. Bell

that the PCF represents a long and continuous French tradition dating back to that time. But, of course, the Party has in its ranks people who remain devoted to the ‘Communist idea’ and they would be demoralised by any change of name.4 Hence, to some extent the Party has returned to the young Marx to open up themes of justice and rights and of the once rejected ‘humanism’. But the Communist Party remains a critic of ‘capitalism’ (though now referred to as ‘market totalitarianism’ or some similar term) and the ills of society are attributed to rampant ‘neo-liberalism

in The French party system
Open Access (free)
La gauche de la gauche
Jim Wolfreys

society which, from the mid-1990s, had seen a backlash against neo-liberalism gather pace against a backdrop of growing social inequality. The backlash took the form of a so-called ‘social movement’ encompassing the revival of working-class militancy signalled by a major public sector strike in November–December 1995, a wave of occupations and demonstrations by immigrants, the homeless and the unemployed, the rebirth of the engaged intellectual, and unprecedented electoral success for the revolutionary left, whose two presidential candidates, Lutte Ouvrière’s Arlette

in The French party system
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

orthodox schools of thought such as liberalism, socialism or conservatism. However, it can hardly be denied that feminism has made a substantial impact and, whatever one’s reservations in according it the title of ‘ideology’, it is like most ideologies in at least one respect: there are sharp, even bitter, divisions within feminism on its aims, goals, methods, theories and inspirations. Four major strands of feminist thinking

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

. Fundamentalism is somewhat different. First, it denies the convention, implicit in Western liberalism, of distinct private and public spheres of belief and activity. The concept of a secular society assumes that religion will be confined to an individual’s private life, that church and state will be separate and each will stick firmly to its own business. Fundamentalism flatly denies this distinction. Moreover, it claims that

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Ciarán O’Kelly

an even less palatable kind. The increasing success, in Western Europe and elsewhere, of political parties hostile to immigration is a reminder of these possibilities. 18 3(b) Liberal nationalism In On Nationality , David Miller argues that liberalism and nationalism do not have to conflict. He starts from the premise that nations can provide people with a

in Political concepts
Open Access (free)
Richard Bellamy

, Clarendon Press, 1979), pp. 210–11. 4 For example, J. Rawls, Political Liberalism (New York, Columbia University Press, 1993). 5 F. von Hayek, The Road to Serfdom (London, Routledge, 1944), ch. 6. 6 Hayek, Road to Serfdom , pp

in Political concepts
Open Access (free)
‘Eigen volk eerst!’
Cas Mudde

Belgian political party structure (see Huyse 1986; Deschouwer 1991). The three important political currents (christian democracy, social democracy and liberalism) split into separate Dutch speaking and French speaking parties. In this climate, the VU, with its Poujadist-like manifesto and style, scored several electoral victories, gaining a record 18.8 per cent of the Flemish vote (and 21 seats) in the 1971 parliamentary election (Fitzmaurice 1983: 177). Although the VU was the only political representative of the Flemish Movement, and proved to be relatively successful

in The ideology of the extreme right
Alastair J. Reid

’ between organised labour and middle-class liberalism was the result of the stubborn resistance of the local Liberal Parties to the adoption of trade union candidates, despite consistent pressure in that direction from their national organisers: All along, there is little doubt that most of the non-Socialist trade-union leaders would have been happy to stay in the Liberal Party – which most of them had belonged to in the past – if the Liberals had made arrangements for a larger representation of the working class among their Parliamentary candidates . . . Even Keir

in Interpreting the Labour Party
John Narayan

constrained by the interests of the major economic powers and the hegemony of neo-liberalism amongst political and economic elites (Hirst et al. 2009: 3; Weiss 2009). This viewpoint has gained even more credence in the light of the 2008 financial crisis and the onset of the Great Recession, where the power of the state to intervene in global markets and reform the international order has been shown to outrank international institutions and forums such as the UN, the IMF and the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision (Rodrik 2012). This would seemingly make nation state

in John Dewey