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Blasons d’un corps masculin, L’Ecrivaillon and La Ligne âpre by Régine Detambel

masculine body and genders voyeurism differently. The traditional survey of human geography begins with the removal of underwear and subsequently cuts the body into fetishised parts. Detambel avoids such fetishisation. In her text, for example, male pubic hair is seen as flat and non-eroticised, ‘un pelage ras, une toison usée’ (the short hair of a threadbare coat), which ultimately reveals a triangular shape, ‘une tente de chair jaune’ (p. ) (a tent of yellow flesh), which looks like a  Writing the dynamics of identity ‘feminised’ sex, adorned with hair and

in Women’s writing in contemporary France
The status of bodies in the aftermath of the Khmer Rouge genocide

out of a total of 7 million inhabitants, some of whom were identified and buried, most of whom were left where they lay. People have described to me the indifference they felt faced with this spectacle, used as they were to living and sleeping amid these corpses, so racked by hunger that their emotions were utterly numbed. Once the foul smell of putrefaction had subsided, the vast numbers of skulls and bones became a familiar sight for children in these areas, and these human remains continue to resurface in a macabre form of archaeology whenever a well or a ditch

in Human remains and mass violence
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almost all cases. 3 For the ‘contract’ theorists, just as for Socrates’s idea of an agreement, the relationship of citizens to the government and its laws is construed on an analogy with some non-political undertaking, like promising, agreeing, consenting or signing a contract, which is obligation-creating in character. It is the fact of agreement or the act of consent that grounds the obligation to obey the law in all

in Political concepts

the ability of nation states to govern properly (LW11: 262). In fact, writing in 1944, Dewey mocked the idea of national sovereignty, arguing that ‘something that is wholly unreal in the present state of the world’ was being appealed to and employed as if it had ‘significance’ (LW17: 455). It was on the back of these conditions and outdated policies of nation states that Dewey constructed his own arguments for the extension of democracy globally and took to task what he saw as a bullheaded nationalism which turned ‘indifference and antagonism into a positive virtue

in John Dewey
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A bird’s eye view of intervention with emphasis on Britain, 1875–78

). It was then that his popularity fell and allusions were made to his Jewish origins, implying that this was the reason for his apparent callous indifference to the suffering Balkan Christians. 32 When William Gladstone (the greatest Liberal British politician of the nineteenth century) told the House that it had been unwise to reject the Berlin Memorandum, Disraeli retorted acidly that the British government could not accept ‘coffee-house babble brought by

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century

of the poor and underprivileged has been absent from politics in Britain and the United States in recent years. Both the Labour and Democratic parties conspicuously struggled to articulate a compelling public case for reducing poverty or narrowing economic inequality when they returned to office in the 1990s. In Britain, Labour’s adoption of centrist rhetoric after 1994 famously proved compatible with so-called ‘redistribution by stealth’: a concerted attempt to engineer non-negligible but unpublicised improvements in the incomes of the working poor. However, these

in In search of social democracy
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Television and the politics of British humanitarianism

, benefitting from official funding for transporting equipment and supplies. 52 Despite these efforts, the film’s shocking images of mass starvation raised difficult questions about how the famine had occurred. The British government received widespread public and parliamentary criticism for its perceived lack of response, which was presented in the media as bureaucratic failure and indifference to human

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
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not understood as simply ad hoc fragments of humanity. Rather, state-building practices over several centuries ensured that they came to take on the mantle of fundamental unit of political community, the sine qua non of human community and, to a greater or lesser extent, the theatre of ethical life. Moreover, in the dominant versions at least, states came to be understood as constituted by an essentially uniform people, whether that uniformity was conceived of as the expression of ethnicity, shared culture and will, as the assemblage of atomised individuals

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
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affiliated suffragists, six hundred societies and eight hundred pre-war new members a month. The various groups in attendance were not only British; representatives of the International Women’s Suffrage Alliance from nations as far as Finland and Russia were present. The sister of General Sir John French, Charlotte Despard, was also present, although those twentieth-century symbols of suffrage – the Pankhursts and their Women’s Social and Political Union were not. This could be seen as paradoxical given the militant nature of the Pankhursts and the relative non

in A war of individuals
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Cultural and political change in 1960s Britain

propaganda had long emphasised the backwardness of native peoples.69 During the Second World War many found themselves face to face with non-whites for the first time, although as these were usually US servicemen responses were muted because they did not threaten to leave a permanent mark. Just to make sure, the authorities discouraged women from forming relationships; they also did their best to segregate black members of the Empire who filled vacancies in British factories or served in uniform.70 In 1948 the Labour administration introduced a Nationality Act, which gave

in The Labour Governments 1964–70 volume 1