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’ (1997: 7-8). These countries are directly identified as converging around the OECD Jobs Strategy blueprint for labour flexibility. By contrast, Germany, France, Belgium, Denmark and Sweden, among others, are criticised for their structural impediments to wage flexibility, their high levels of social transfers, and their use of active labour market policies: ‘It remains an open question whether a policy approach that sees public intervention in post-compulsory education, training and active labour market policies as a substitute for relative wage flexibility is

in Globalisation contested
Open Access (free)
Pat Jackson’s White Corridors

: that of sustaining, in the changing post-war world, something of the impetus of the realist British cinema of wartime. The critical consensus of the 1940s may have given excessive weight to this realist trend, at the expense of the less austere cinema of, for instance, Powell and Pressburger and Gains-borough melodrama, but there was, indubitably, a significant coming together of feature and

in British cinema of the 1950s

, the revival of IPE in the 1970s precisely coincided with the inability of conventional IR frameworks to ‘fully comprehend structural change’ (Gill, 1997: 7). IPE, by contrast, claims to offer a distinctive ontology, one that is attuned to social forces and social relations on a global scale, and also a distinctive epistemology that is ‘open’ to diverse insights on social transformation (Strange, 1984; 1994).1 Hence, as Robert Cox has it, IPE embodies inherent critical potential, an ability to ‘stand back’ from the apparent order of things and to consider ‘the ways

in Globalisation contested

share equally complicated relations with materialist theory: Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak and Fredric Jameson. Spivak, a selfdesignated ‘Marxist-feminist-deconstructionist’, is highly regarded as one of the key practitioners of post-colonial theory; Jameson is one of the leading left theorists of culture in the USA. These three thinkers have each produced an impressively large and wide-ranging opus of critical thought. My concern here, however, is exclusively with their respective analyses of nineteenth- and early twentieth-century British imperialism.4 I want to

in Postcolonial contraventions

, President Woodrow Wilson subsequently failed in his efforts to persuade the Senate to ratify US participation in the post-war League of Nations. The introspective stance was by no means uncontroversial inside the US in the period between the two world wars. These years were characterised by a ‘great debate’ between so-called ‘isolationists’ on the one hand and ‘internationalists’ on the other. In addition

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security

immediate reasons as Parry, namely, offering a critique of Gayatri Spivak’s work for the ways it structurally excludes voices from certain parts of the world from being heard. Several years ago I published an article in Critical Quarterly, in which I argued that Spivak’s reading of Jane Eyre, particularly her contention that the Caribbean Bertha Mason’s death-by-fire required to be read in the context of colonial contests over Indian practices of sati, reflected an Indiacentrism found elsewhere in her work.6 I questioned the political effect of granting colonial

in Postcolonial contraventions

. Where, however, there would be differences is about the role of qualitative change. In order to facilitate the discussion two extreme hypotheses can be introduced: first, qualitative change is an accidental by-product of economic development; second, qualitative change is an essential component of economic development. The first hypothesis is the one implicitly present in most economic growth models, where qualitative change is not denied, but it can be accepted only ex post. The second hypothesis is central to a Schumpeterian approach, in which radical innovations

in Innovation by demand
Simone de Beauvoir and a Global Theory of Feminist Recognition

borders, it goes further by requiring the self to confront crucial ambiguities in what it fails to understand or represses – that is to say, the Other within oneself (Kristeva 1993 ). In summary, this chapter's turn back to Beauvoir's post-war existentialism suggests an ambiguous world community, always in a process of becoming and perpetually incomplete. It advocates a truly cosmopolitan feminist practice of

in Recognition and Global Politics
David Lloyd’s work

premises were also, in some regards, different. When (p. 68) Lloyd refers to ‘post-enlightenment liberals such as John Stuart Mill’ and their continuation of Kant’s racial thinking, he suggests that Kant’s centrality to Victorian England is self-evident.6 But Kant’s pan-European influence in conceptions of ‘race’ is a notion that needs further justification. So does Lloyd’s claim for the primacy of cultural theory itself in eighteenth-century conceptualisations of ‘human identity’. This claim does not acknowledge as significant the theorisations produced by political and

in Postcolonial contraventions

now confirms that the concept of war is in trouble. Edward Luttwak, for example, has coined the expression of ‘postheroic warfare’ by distinguishing between traditional and novel forms of war. 4 Chris Hables Gray uses the more general term ‘postmodern war’, whereas Mary Kaldor prefers the more limited notion of ‘post-Clausewitzian war’. 5 Richard Mansbach and Franke Wilmer may be closer to

in Mapping European security after Kosovo