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a decade earlier. Twenty-five of the world’s severely indebted low-income countries were in Africa, the continent was unable to feed itself, and AIDs was spreading rapidly, possibly affecting up to a third of the population in middle Africa. The bane of African national development was, then, not the emergence of a dominant class as such, but its parasitic character, supported by a ‘swollen state’. This swollen (or ‘overdeveloped’) state was also, by its nature, inherently authoritarian. On the one hand, colonial experience and post-colonial contestations had left

in Democratization through the looking-glass

are discovered adjacent to an obvious alteration, it is sometimes possible to arrive at a very clear date for the objects, but rarely to a precise year. The survey The survey for this project was carried out by post and a total of 661 museums, archaeological units and individuals were consulted from throughout England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. Owing to financial constraints the survey did not include every museum in each county and it is likely that some finds have been missed as a result. Only the figures for England have been calculated and, out of a

in Beyond the witch trials
Contextual, analytical and theoretical issues

political science and political economy of post-war British politics. They have implications for the analysis of the Labour Party and for labour studies more generally. It is to these that I now turn, beginning with factors specific to the political analysis of Labour, before turning to those that might be thought to apply more generally to contemporary political analysis. Revisiting the political analysis of labour/Labour It is tempting to suggest that while the new political science of British politics, tentatively outlined above, has important implications for

in Interpreting the Labour Party
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Pat Jackson’s White Corridors

: that of sustaining, in the changing post-war world, something of the impetus of the realist British cinema of wartime. The critical consensus of the 1940s may have given excessive weight to this realist trend, at the expense of the less austere cinema of, for instance, Powell and Pressburger and Gains-borough melodrama, but there was, indubitably, a significant coming together of feature and

in British cinema of the 1950s

’ (1997: 7-8). These countries are directly identified as converging around the OECD Jobs Strategy blueprint for labour flexibility. By contrast, Germany, France, Belgium, Denmark and Sweden, among others, are criticised for their structural impediments to wage flexibility, their high levels of social transfers, and their use of active labour market policies: ‘It remains an open question whether a policy approach that sees public intervention in post-compulsory education, training and active labour market policies as a substitute for relative wage flexibility is

in Globalisation contested

, the revival of IPE in the 1970s precisely coincided with the inability of conventional IR frameworks to ‘fully comprehend structural change’ (Gill, 1997: 7). IPE, by contrast, claims to offer a distinctive ontology, one that is attuned to social forces and social relations on a global scale, and also a distinctive epistemology that is ‘open’ to diverse insights on social transformation (Strange, 1984; 1994).1 Hence, as Robert Cox has it, IPE embodies inherent critical potential, an ability to ‘stand back’ from the apparent order of things and to consider ‘the ways

in Globalisation contested

share equally complicated relations with materialist theory: Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak and Fredric Jameson. Spivak, a selfdesignated ‘Marxist-feminist-deconstructionist’, is highly regarded as one of the key practitioners of post-colonial theory; Jameson is one of the leading left theorists of culture in the USA. These three thinkers have each produced an impressively large and wide-ranging opus of critical thought. My concern here, however, is exclusively with their respective analyses of nineteenth- and early twentieth-century British imperialism.4 I want to

in Postcolonial contraventions

, President Woodrow Wilson subsequently failed in his efforts to persuade the Senate to ratify US participation in the post-war League of Nations. The introspective stance was by no means uncontroversial inside the US in the period between the two world wars. These years were characterised by a ‘great debate’ between so-called ‘isolationists’ on the one hand and ‘internationalists’ on the other. In addition

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security

immediate reasons as Parry, namely, offering a critique of Gayatri Spivak’s work for the ways it structurally excludes voices from certain parts of the world from being heard. Several years ago I published an article in Critical Quarterly, in which I argued that Spivak’s reading of Jane Eyre, particularly her contention that the Caribbean Bertha Mason’s death-by-fire required to be read in the context of colonial contests over Indian practices of sati, reflected an Indiacentrism found elsewhere in her work.6 I questioned the political effect of granting colonial

in Postcolonial contraventions
Simone de Beauvoir and a Global Theory of Feminist Recognition

borders, it goes further by requiring the self to confront crucial ambiguities in what it fails to understand or represses – that is to say, the Other within oneself (Kristeva 1993 ). In summary, this chapter's turn back to Beauvoir's post-war existentialism suggests an ambiguous world community, always in a process of becoming and perpetually incomplete. It advocates a truly cosmopolitan feminist practice of

in Recognition and Global Politics