Serbian warrior Vuk Branković would be demonised for crossing over to the Turkish side on the eve of the battle, and came to symbolise betrayal from within, the ‘Christ killer’ who represented Serbian converts to Islam.31 This would lay the basis for an obvious example of Kečmanović’s theory of ‘counteridentification’ – with the projection of a variety of negative characteristics on to the Moslems.32 The fear of traitors would also manifest itself in the Serbian national coat of arms – depicting a cross surrounded by four S’s, which were originally firelighting

in Balkan holocausts?
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Albanian society and the quest for independence from statehood in Kosovo and Macedonia

. Islam, the predominant religion among Kosovo Albanians, has no specific sympathy to ideas of non-violence – unlike Hinduism in India. Even communist Yugoslavia was not at all pacifistic, on the contrary: war was intensely glorified in hundreds of films about the partisans. Rugova’s so-called ‘Gandhi strategy’ had no roots in Kosovo Albanian society. Rugova, once a member of the communist party himself (Carlen, Duchene and Ehrhart 1999: 70), has no charisma and is not persuasive. His pacifist approach was accepted only because there was no alternative. Serbia, aware of the

in Potentials of disorder

’. Identifying ‘cultural groups’ to be recognized serves to reify and re-present those groups and their ‘cultures’. Tony Evans ( 2011 : 1753) addresses this issue in the context of Islam, arguing that Islam is presented in European and North American societies as a ‘monolithic, proselytising creed dedicated to undermining, overturning, and eventually replacing the values that have

in Recognition and Global Politics
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societies are matriarchal (‘ruled by women’) in neither their social structures nor their theology. Nevertheless, Judaism, Christianity and Islam are particularly singled out for opprobrium by feminists as being religions that place women in a role subordinate to men in both theology and society. Patriarchy is thus a social construct, not a natural condition. Women’s movements therefore seek liberation from

in Understanding political ideas and movements
New threats, institutional adaptations

geoeconomic significance in the twenty-first century. These areas’ importance is linked to their pivotal geographical position as a nexus between the Atlantic security zone and the Middle East and Asia and as potential buffers or transit points between the Islamic Middle East and Christian Europe. Central Asia will play an especially critical role as an alternative source of energy supply for Europe and Northeast Asia, will either help repair or deepen the environmental distress occasioned by climatic change, will serve either as a sanctuary for terrorism against the West

in Limiting institutions?

the divide are sacrificed for one product, which is of value to emigrants or foreigners interested in the fate of the world. ‘The Free West’, ‘the Socialist World Revolution’, ‘the Honour of Our Nation’, ‘Saving our Islamic Faith’ are the issues which appear to be at stake. Considerable resources are transferred into the market of violence from outside if the warlords pay special attention to this commodity through the establishing of a special troop which is trained in rhetoric and international communication. It was in this way that Jonas Savimbi succeeded in

in Potentials of disorder
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that can be named as groups of kindred societies –​the West, Confucian civilisation, Islamic civilisation and so on? Are they processes of the formation of institutions of power, tempering human conduct and consciousness, or are they discourses? Are they orientations that take shape in momentous encounters with another? It has been argued in the preceding pages that the last image, the relational image, is the most productive and holds the best prospects as a direction of further development. In this Conclusion, I summarise the findings of the book in the wake of

in Debating civilisations
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Negotiating with multiculture

/11 ‘war on terror’ and also as shaped by responses to the disturbances in Britain in 2001 which focused on a perceived rise in segregation (particularly in cities of northern England with large Muslim populations) (Cantle 2001; see Phillips et al. (2008) for the counter-argument). Recent debates around multiculturalism have tended to have an increased attention 135 All in the mix to religious difference (particularly Islam), alongside the older focus on racial or ethnic difference. In February 2011, David Cameron, the Conservative Prime Minister of the coalition

in All in the mix

aimed to strengthen the Yugoslav republics against the federal centre and to align Slovenia with ‘Europe’ in general and the late-Cold-War imaginary of ‘central Europe’ in particular, within a reformed Yugoslavia or, as this programme clashed in 1989–90 with Milošević's authoritarian re-centralisation, outside. Within south-east European symbolic geographies, situating an ethnonational identity and its associated polity within central Europe detached it from ‘the Balkans’, the ‘Orient’, the Ottoman legacy, Islam and the civilisational hierarchies projected on to these

in Race and the Yugoslav region

-ethnic patterns of divide in BiH (Maček 2001; Stefansson 2007). See also Henig (2012), who deals with post-socialist influence on neighbourly relations in a rural context. 7 For further information about housing entitlements in shifting political systems, see Lofranco 2013. 8 Islamic commemoration of the deceased and celebration of the Prophet Mohammed’s birth. References Appadurai, A. (1996) Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Appadurai, A. (1998) ‘Dead certainty: ethnic violence in the era of globalization

in Migrating borders and moving times