Alex J. Bellamy

Croatian claims to national sovereignty in the 1990s were made by reference to a discourse of historical statehood rather than in the ethnic terms that Serbs used to justify their rule over Kosovo.27 The Croatian narrative of historical statehood, the abstract story of national identity, is therefore primarily concerned with constitutional arrangements and political programmes. The Croatian claim to statehood The narrative of the historic claim to statehood begins at the start of the ‘centuries-old dream’ in the form of the medieval Croatian state. The Croatian

in The formation of Croatian national identity
Open Access (free)
Germany, the use of force and the power of strategic culture
Kerry Longhurst

adjustments in security policy standpoints and, subsequently, into policies and practices, some of which were adjusted to suit the new external environment. German strategic culture, then, was fine-tuned rather than fundamentally changed after 1989–90, with different readings and prescriptions being drawn from the negative and positive points of orientation set in the strategic culture. Moreover, and importantly here, even in cases of observable and purposeful policy changes and seeming departures from existing practices, namely Kosovo, such moves were in line with the

in Germany and the use of force
Open Access (free)
Cas Mudde

Kosovo ‘crisis’ did not lead to a change in the party’s situation, as in both cases the REP vehe- chap2 28/5/02 44 13.31 Page 44 Germany mently opposed the (generous) adoption of refugees from the former Yugoslavia. In exceptional cases foreigners are allowed to stay in Germany: first, foreigners who fully integrate (or better: assimilate) into the German society, though they thereby technically cease to be foreigners; second, temporary guest workers who have to leave after their contract expires; and, third, the occasional genuine refugees who have to leave as

in The ideology of the extreme right
Open Access (free)
Reflecting on citizenship from the fringe

states where Roma live that are discussed in this book have been categorised as having a very high human development index (HDI) (Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina North Macedonia and Kosovo each have just a high HDI: United Nations Development Programme, 2019 ).

in The Fringes of Citizenship
Amikam Nachmani

Greece to disassociate itself from the Kurdish cause, thus removing another source of conflict with Turkey. Events in the neighboring Balkans and above all the Kosovo crisis, provided a salutary shock to both countries as they found themselves not only on either side of the Balkan divide ethnically, religiously, politically, and even military, but also in danger of being sucked into the conflict. Not wishing to follow in the destructive path of the feuding Balkans states, Greece and Turkey decided that dialogue, even cooperation, is infinitely preferable to

in Turkey: facing a new millennium
Open Access (free)
‘We’ve moved on’
Andrew Monaghan

Kosovo crisis in 1998/9 and the Russo-Georgia War in 2008, or bilaterally, such as the crisis in UK–Russia relations caused by the murder of Alexander Litvinenko in 2006. The various ‘resets’ and ‘reloads’ conducted in relations, most recently between 2009 and 2013, reflect attempts to draw a line under these problems and ‘move on’ from them. But at a deeper level, this simple phrase reflects a

in The new politics of Russia
A dialogue with Islam as a pattern of conflict resolution and a security approach vis-à-vis Islamism
Bassam Tibi

conflict of worldviews to one related to irregular war as neo- jihad , the politicization of religion becomes a real security problem. Some of the cases in point are Kosovo, Macedonia, Chechnia and Kashmir. In the Middle East it is most unfortunate to see the al-Aqsa intifada shifting the conflict over occupation to one of order related to religion and civilizational worldviews in viewing the

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Joshua B. Spero

refines NATO’s new missions and serves as the centre of geopolitical gravity for the interested post-Communist countries of Eurasia.15 Cooperation between NATO and non-NATO nations, even nations that contributed troops outside the PfP framework from Latin America, Africa, the Middle East and Asia, became important foundations of NATO’s postCold War missions in operations such as Bosnia, Albania, Kosovo and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. The PfP’s consultative functions cannot solve the often ingrained domestic problems within any given PfP member

in Limiting institutions?
Open Access (free)
Kjell M. Torbiörn

create a Rapid Reaction Force built on the British-French St Malo Declaration of 1998 and had to be seen against the background of the relatively undistinguished military performance by the European members of NATO during the Kosovo conflict. For France, the new project represented a means to assert increased European independence and power. For a United Kingdom outside the Economic and Monetary Union, it provided a chance to continue to play a leading role in European affairs. With Germany, perhaps surprisingly, so enthusiastically behind the new initiative, it became

in Destination Europe
Open Access (free)
The Second World War and the Balkan Historikerstreit
David Bruce MacDonald

caused a sensation when he attired himself in full Četnik regalia during his 1995 wedding. His wife, the wellknown turbofolk singer Čeča, was dressed as the ‘Maid of Kosovo’ (Kosovka djevojka), the Mary Magdalen-esque figure who nursed Serbian soldiers as they lay dying on the battlefield.38 As with Kosovo fever, Četnik kitsch was to be found everywhere. Various journals, including Duga, Pogledi, and Srpska Reč, worked actively to rehabilitate the Četniks. Warlords like Vojislav S̆ešelj encouraged their followers to destroy anything bearing Tito’s name, while

in Balkan holocausts?