Tracing relatedness and diversity in the Albanian–Montenegrin borderland
Benhabib, Seyla (2002) The Claims of Culture: Equality and Diversity in the Global Era.
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Blumi, Isa (2003) ‘Contesting the edges of the Ottoman Empire: rethinking ethnic and
sectarian boundaries in the Malësore 1878–1912’, International Journal for MiddleEast
Studies, 35: 237–256.
Bougarel Xavier, Elissa Helms and Ger Duijzings (eds) (2007) The New Bosnian Mosaic:
Identities, Memories and Moral Claims in a Post-War Society. London: Ashgate.
Bushati, Hamdi (1998) Shkodra dhe Motet: Traditë, Ngjarje, Njerëz (Velimi I) [Shkodra and
throughout nearly all of Asia and the MiddleEast, but are now
found only in small pockets of territory, most notably in India, China
and Russia, less than 10 per cent of their historical range. The wolf and
grizzly bear used to range across almost all regions in Europe, Northern
Asia and North America; almost no bears remain in Europe and the wolf
has been eradicated in nearly all of its former territory in Europe and
much of North America.
How do we understand the condition of animals now that low populations and drastically diminished habitat ranges are the new norms
of state building.44 Thus, like the remaining Central Asian states, they joined
the Economic Cooperation Organisation and Islamic Confederation
Organisation soon after the fall of the Soviet Union.45 And yet Islam has also
been tempered somewhat variously by Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan.
Martha Brill Olcott observes that Turkmenistan has a larger devout population and has therefore pursued closer political and economic ties with the
Islamic states of the MiddleEast than has Kazakhstan, which, given its image
of Russia as potentially hostile, is committed to
reflect the lowest common denominator of national positions, and if the high
degree of socialisation has had an impact on the actors’ perceptions
of their interests, then it should be possible to detect even subtle changes
in member states’ definitions of these interests. Thus Michael E.
Smith identifies a number of areas in which this appears to have taken
place, both on regional issues such as the MiddleEast, Central America and
impossibility of succeeding. It is not an
either/or choice but a question of doing both, somehow, like Derrida’s
double contradictory imperative. Only some form of independent
action, whether by individuals working within state institutions or
outside them, seems likely to be able to do this. Expert, codified,
state-serving action has different imperatives.
One book that stands out among recent work tracing the origins
of humanitarianism, and not only for its focus on the MiddleEast,
is Keith David Watenpaugh’s Bread from Stones.60 It stands out for
me because of the close
tanks and interest groups joined media and other commentators in depicting major shortcomings in the Obama government’s policies in Europe, the MiddleEast and Asia. One target was the so-called Obama Doctrine laid out in the President’s speech to graduating West Point cadets in 2014 that showed greater administration wariness regarding security engagements abroad. 5
In Asia, congressional and other American critics of Obama’s Rebalance claimed that Washington was not resolute enough in defending the United States’ regional role as security guarantor, and not active
34 Harbi and Meynier (eds), FLN: Documents, 193–4, 444–6.
35 Ibid., 289–90.
36 Ibid., 425–6.
37 Ibid., 424–5.
38 Feraoun, Journal, 67–8.
39 Launay, Paysans algériens, 176, 371, 396–9.
40 Eric R. Wolf, Peasant Wars of the Twentieth Century  (London:
Faber and Faber, 1973 edn), 290–2.
41 See Quandt, Revolution and Political Leadership.
42 Charrad, States and Women’s Rights, 179–82; for a similar analysis in
relation to legal reform in Iraq and South Yemen, see Mervat F. Hatem,
‘Modernization, the State and the Family in MiddleEast Women’s Studies’,
will in Europe, Asia, much of the
MiddleEast, and still much of Latin America. The recent revelations that the NSA’s and the UK’s surveillance programmes are
linked is big news.1
Oliver Stone has been a fixture in the Hollywood landscape since
his Oscar-winning script for Midnight Express (Alan Parker, 1978).
That high-profile foothold gave him the opportunity to build slowly
towards his ambition of capturing on film what he had lived
through in Vietnam during 1967 and 1968. The young Yale man
who had entered the army was a cerebral romantic in search of
policy-making combined to deepen the region’s poverty and
undermine many (but not all) of Africa’s old dictators. And
for the MiddleEast, the view that authoritarian rule lies
at the root of the region’s failure to diversify away from
dependence on oil, and to create more employment for its
young population, has gained converts with the debate over
the causes of the terrorist attacks on the United States on
11 September 2001.
This is not to say that democracy will necessarily do any
better in these regions; but it is certainly the case that
US foreign policy has often elicited distinct responses
from different groups of Americans. Ethnic lobbying on foreign policy is longstanding: for instance, Jewish Americans’
interest in the MiddleEast or Irish Americans’ advocacy of
Irish nationalism. African Americans have often found themselves at odds with US foreign policy, opposing US support
of South African apartheid more vigorously and earlier than
many policy-makers. In an earlier period, African Americans
were dismayed by the failure of the United States to object
to the Italian invasion of Ethiopia