unity over class, religion and other social divisions. Radicals use it to rally popular support against an unjust government. Appeals to popular sovereignty can be seen in revolutionary documents such as the American Declaration of Independence (1776) and the French Declaration of the Rights of Man (1789). Ethnic nationalism and Civic nationalism Ethnic nationalism identifies a close connection between
had ramifications across the party system, reducing confrontation, enabling realignments but also abandoning part of the extreme-left spectrum. At the same time, there were social changes which undermined the sense of the working class on which the Party depended. This was the start of the transition from a society of 40 per cent ‘workers’ in 1950 (broadly defined) to one of 29 30 The left 27 per cent ‘workers’ in 2001 1 and in addition to a working class which was fragmented, better educated and part of which took on middle-class aspirations. The Party did not
By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance. Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum, ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in activities not officially classed as war.
space most likely to be inhabited – and affected – by disabled women in the coalfields. Work in disability studies since the 1990s has illustrated how the construction of disability is itself informed by class, gender, race, ethnicity, religion and age, in addition to marital status and family composition. An early feminist disability study, Pride Against Prejudice (1991) by Jenny Morris, was a groundbreaking challenge to the generalisations of social model theory for their failure to adequately include disabled women. She argued that ‘a feminist perspective can help
animations included Peter Pan's magical flight over London to Neverland. In contrast, Understanding Stresses and Strains included no fantastical scenarios or solutions, instead remaining firmly grounded in the contemporary reality of a Western metropolis. It posed the serious question of how to maintain ‘well-balanced health’ in a perpetually stress-inducing environment. One regular set of audience members who were shown this film were relaxation class students. With the aid of the film, relaxation teachers would explain how chronic states of tension
that’s not the same as just joining living groups. It’s not that easy. So they advised me to go to Amsterdam to get my act together. Despite their differences in class, education, and their structural locations in the world, both of these squatters agree that one must prove oneself to be accepted in an activist community and that activist culture has its own set of standards that are difficult to understand and fulfill at first glance. Frederick, employed as a strategic planner in
actual concerns of the landowning class of the time – property, fences, hunting rights, being just to one’s tenants, seeking proper legal redress for wrongs, and eventually, after much harm done, compromise and reconciliation’.2 MUP_McDonald_05_Ch4 82 11/20/03, 13:57 Sir Degrevant 83 While agreeing with Davenport’s desire to place the narrative in a knowable historical context, I think he defines the audience and its ‘actual concerns’ too narrowly. Without disputing the justice of his formulation, I would argue that the very term landowning class, however accurate
wake of the Chernobyl accident, the openness of ‘glasnost’ represented the threat of an internal witch-hunt against incompetent managers through the exposure of their mistakes. To others, the restructuring involved in ‘perestroika’, represented a threat to the wages and benefits of the working class. So while the idea of reform appealed to all, the practicalities of what that meant did not. Thus, as
This book provides a detailed consideration of the history of racing in British culture and society, and explores the cultural world of racing during the interwar years. The book shows how racing gave pleasure even to the supposedly respectable middle classes and gave some working-class groups hope and consolation during economically difficult times. Regular attendance and increased spending on betting were found across class and generation, and women too were keen participants. Enjoyed by the royal family and controlled by the Jockey Club and National Hunt Committee, racing's visible emphasis on rank and status helped defend hierarchy and gentlemanly amateurism, and provided support for more conservative British attitudes. The mass media provided a cumulative cultural validation of racing, helping define national and regional identity, and encouraging the affluent consumption of sporting experience and a frank enjoyment of betting. The broader cultural approach of the first half of the book is followed by an exploration if the internal culture of racing itself.
affective and biological labour and situating the notion of motherhood in a larger context of issues of reproductive work, the series offers a rich and complex reflection on the current debate about the global division of reproductive work across axes of gender, race, nationality, migration status, and class (Colen, 1995; Ginsburg and Rapp, 1995; Parreñas, 2000; Shanley, 2001; Vora, 2008; Yngvesson, 2010). However, while critics have recognised motherhood, misogyny, sexism, and gendered violence as central themes in China Girl, surprisingly few comments address the racial