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Colonialism and Colonial History, 17:1 (2016);
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p. 239; Moiret, Mémoires, p. 76; Niello Sargy, Mémoires, p. 183; Pelleport, Souvenirs, I,
p. 131; Anon., Journal d’un dragon, p. 39.
83 Al-Turki, Histoire, p. 81; al-Jabarti, Chronicle, p. 93.
84 Chalbrand, Les Français en Egypte, p. 92.
85 Richardot, Nouveaux Mémoires, p. 314.
86 M. Thomas (ed.), The French Colonial Mind, vol. 2, Violence, Military Encounters and
Colonialism (Lincoln, NE, 2012); E. Kolsky, ‘The Colonial Rule of Law and the Legal
Regime of Exception: Frontier “Fanaticism” and State Violence in British India’, American
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87 This is not to suggest that inscription, categorisation, or standardisation had been absent in British medicine. Rather that such practices (and
of Algerian rural society under the
impact of colonialism, many thousands began to migrate to the villages
nègres to scratch a living as day-labourers, a process that accelerated
dramatically during the war.58
Although the archives of the Rio-Salado circle make no mention
of it, the ‘village’ of Sidi-Saïd disguised the existence of a centre de
M1822 - MACMASTER TEXT.indd 193
Burning the veil
regroupement (see chapter 6), into which thousands of peasants from
outlying farms had been forced by the army which destroyed their
3 TNA, CO 927/201/6.
6 S. Clarke, “The research council system and the politics of medical and agricultural research in the Colonial Empire, 1940–1952”, Medical History 57 (2013), 338–358.
9 Lee and Petter, The Colonial Office, War and Development Policy , p. 171; Havinden and Meredith, Colonialism and Development , pp. 204
our company & I guess this has gone to the
girls’ heads a bit!’.137 The placing of white nurses in the tropics had
been a key strategy of colonialism, ‘to support the health of white
colonists’.138 The Colonial Nursing Association had been sending
its members to Africa, the West Indies and the Indian subcontinent
since the later years of the nineteenth century.139 The desire for the
presence of European women in colonised lands as ‘the angel in
the house’, to act as the arbiter of all that was modest, was crucial to the
colonial project.140 They were the ‘bearers of
Daktar Binodbihari Ray Kabiraj and the metaphorics of the
nineteenth-century Ayurvedic body
Projit Bihari Mukharji
On modern Unani medicine, see N. Quaiser, ‘Politics, Culture and Colonialism: Unani's Debate with Doctory’, in B. Pati and M. Harrison (eds), Health, Medicine and Empire: Perspectives on Colonial India (Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 2001), 317–55; S. Alavi, Islam and Healing: Loss and Recovery of an Indo-Muslim Medical Tradition, 1600–1900 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008); G. N. A. Attewell, Refiguring Unani Tibb: Plural Healing in Late Colonial India (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 2007). On modern Siddha
Alfred to Queen Victoria, 28 December 1869, RA
Several scholars of empire have argued that
hunting was a function of colonialism. It reflects an imperial
consciousness much different from the one being examined
Narratives of balance and moderation at the limits of human
University of Adelaide special collections, W. V. Macfarlane Papers 1947–1985 (MS0006). WV Macfarlane, ‘Water, Salt and Food for Tropical Medicine’, n.d.
Such use of the colonial and post-colonial ‘other’ as a subject is echoed in research into chronic diseases too: see M. Moore, ‘Harnessing the power of difference: colonialism and British chronic disease research, 1940
-Malthusians, eugenists, and the declining birth-rate in England, 1900–1918’, Albion , 10:3 (1978), pp. 264–86.
M. Roemer, ‘Internationalism in medicine and public health’ in D. Porter (ed.), The History of Public Health and the Modern State (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1994), pp. 403–22; D. Neill, Networks in Tropical Medicine: Internationalism, Colonialism, and the Rise of a Medical Specialty, 1890–1930 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2012); C