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Violence and the early modern world
Erica Charters, Marie Houllemare, and Peter H. Wilson

Colonialism and Colonial History, 17:1 (2016); Introduction 15 D.  Moses (ed.), Genocide and Settler Society: Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History (New York, 2004); P. Ahluwalla, L. Bethlehem, and R. Ginio (eds), Violence and Non-Violence in Africa (Abingdon, 2007); J. Abbink, M. de Bruijn, and K. van Walraven (eds), Rethinking Resistance: Revolt and Violence in African History (Leiden, 2003); C. High, Victims and Warriors: Violence, History and Memory in Amazonia (Urbana, IL, 2015); W. E. Lee (ed.), Empires and Indigenes

in A global history of early modern violence
The revolt of Cairo and Revolutionary violence
Joseph Clarke

, p.  239; Moiret, Mémoires, p. 76; Niello Sargy, Mémoires, p. 183; Pelleport, Souvenirs, I, p. 131; Anon., Journal d’un dragon, p. 39. 83 Al-Turki, Histoire, p. 81; al-Jabarti, Chronicle, p. 93. 84 Chalbrand, Les Français en Egypte, p. 92. 85 Richardot, Nouveaux Mémoires, p. 314. 86 M. Thomas (ed.), The French Colonial Mind, vol. 2, Violence, Military Encounters and Colonialism (Lincoln, NE, 2012); E. Kolsky, ‘The Colonial Rule of Law and the Legal Regime of Exception: Frontier “Fanaticism” and State Violence in British India’, American Historical Review

in A global history of early modern violence
Open Access (free)
Managing diabetes, managing medicine
Martin D. Moore

University Press, 1995); J. C. Scott, Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998); G. C. Bowker and S. Star, Sorting Things Out (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1999); N. Dirks, Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001); Weisz, Divide and Conquer , pp. xix–xx. 87 This is not to suggest that inscription, categorisation, or standardisation had been absent in British medicine. Rather that such practices (and

in Managing diabetes, managing medicine
Army wives and domesticating the ‘native’
Neil Macmaster

of Algerian rural society under the impact of colonialism, many thousands began to migrate to the villages nègres to scratch a living as day-labourers, a process that accelerated dramatically during the war.58 Although the archives of the Rio-Salado circle make no mention of it, the ‘village’ of Sidi-Saïd disguised the existence of a centre de M1822 - MACMASTER TEXT.indd 193 21/7/09 12:16:21 194 Burning the veil regroupement (see chapter 6), into which thousands of peasants from outlying farms had been forced by the army which destroyed their homes.59 Michel

in Burning the veil
Sabine Clarke

/1017/1. 2 Ibid. 3 TNA, CO 927/201/6. 4 Ibid. 5 Ibid. 6 S. Clarke, “The research council system and the politics of medical and agricultural research in the Colonial Empire, 1940–1952”, Medical History 57 (2013), 338–358. 7 Ibid. 8 Ibid. 9 Lee and Petter, The Colonial Office, War and Development Policy , p. 171; Havinden and Meredith, Colonialism and Development , pp. 204

in Science at the end of empire
Open Access (free)
Jane Brooks

our company & I guess this has gone to the girls’ heads a bit!’.137 The placing of white nurses in the tropics had been a key strategy of colonialism, ‘to support the health of white colonists’.138 The Colonial Nursing Association had been sending its members to Africa, the West Indies and the Indian subcontinent since the later years of the nineteenth century.139 The desire for the presence of European women in colonised lands as ‘the angel in the house’, to act as the arbiter of all that was modest, was crucial to the colonial project.140 They were the ‘bearers of

in Negotiating nursing
Daktar Binodbihari Ray Kabiraj and the metaphorics of the nineteenth-century Ayurvedic body
Projit Bihari Mukharji

). 11 On modern Unani medicine, see N. Quaiser, ‘Politics, Culture and Colonialism: Unani's Debate with Doctory’, in B. Pati and M. Harrison (eds), Health, Medicine and Empire: Perspectives on Colonial India (Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 2001), 317–55; S. Alavi, Islam and Healing: Loss and Recovery of an Indo-Muslim Medical Tradition, 1600–1900 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008); G. N. A. Attewell, Refiguring Unani Tibb: Plural Healing in Late Colonial India (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 2007). On modern Siddha

in Progress and pathology
Charles V. Reed

Beatrice’s copies). 56 Alfred to Queen Victoria, 28 December 1869, RA VIC/ADDA20/1303. 57 Several scholars of empire have argued that hunting was a function of colonialism. It reflects an imperial consciousness much different from the one being examined

in Royal tourists, colonial subjects and the making of a British world, 1860–1911
Open Access (free)
Narratives of balance and moderation at the limits of human performance
Vanessa Heggie

–4. 67 University of Adelaide special collections, W. V. Macfarlane Papers 1947–1985 (MS0006). WV Macfarlane, ‘Water, Salt and Food for Tropical Medicine’, n.d. 68 Such use of the colonial and post-colonial ‘other’ as a subject is echoed in research into chronic diseases too: see M. Moore, ‘Harnessing the power of difference: colonialism and British chronic disease research, 1940

in Balancing the self
A British–French comparison
Caroline Rusterholz

-Malthusians, eugenists, and the declining birth-rate in England, 1900–1918’, Albion , 10:3 (1978), pp. 264–86. 7 M. Roemer, ‘Internationalism in medicine and public health’ in D. Porter (ed.), The History of Public Health and the Modern State (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1994), pp. 403–22; D. Neill, Networks in Tropical Medicine: Internationalism, Colonialism, and the Rise of a Medical Specialty, 1890–1930 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2012); C

in Women’s medicine