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Towards a union or not?
Kjell M. Torbiörn

espousing it. At stake was much more than the relatively timid political co-operation foreseen in the Treaties; for once the EMU had been introduced, the EMU would require an increasingly common economic policy. In due, but not so distant, course some sort of body akin to a ‘ministry of economics’ could be foreseen, needed to settle priorities among EMU participating countries and render possible in the economic field what the European Central Bank was already doing in the monetary field. As a ‘deepening’ of the EMU kind is sought going far beyond the Internal Market, the

in Destination Europe
Open Access (free)
Nina Fishman

. Governments and international organisations will be compelled to deal with the effects of climate change using many non-market means. There are many precedents in nineteenth- and twentieth century European history for constitutional monarchies and bourgeois governments adopting non-market solutions, for example Napoleon III’s economic policies which drew inspiration from Saint Simon or Stanley Baldwin’s determination to proceed with the electrification of Great Britain using state finances and a state holding company. It will be surprising if in the twenty-first century

in In search of social democracy
Promises and perils
Prashanth Parameswaran

can be shaped to a significant degree by not just his own record, but that of his successor as well. While Obama’s failure to finalise the TPP during his time in office was viewed as a failure as he left, Trump’s withdrawal from the agreement and subsequent approach to economic policy has made Obama’s record on this count seem much more favourable relatively speaking. And depending on how Trump’s tougher approach to China plays out, it could either expose the folly of the overly cautious approach to China during the Obama years, or in fact reinforce the necessity of

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Open Access (free)
War economies, peace economies and transformation
Jenny H. Peterson

multilateral organisations, militaries and military alliances, local and international NGOs and private companies. While Duffield is quite specific regarding the role each of these actors has to play in the global governance project (Duffield, 2001: 53–73), the DSI can usefully be divided into two broad categories – guiding actors and operational actors. Guiding actors can be seen as the most powerful institutions within the network, actors who have the power to shape and guide political and economic policy at a broad, systemic level. They are not only central in influencing

in Building a peace economy?
William Muraskin

a new vaccine that they had not prioritised, a vaccine that would push aside their own health or economic policies, how would they react? If an organisation like the WHO or THE Gates Foundation, but dominated by India, China and Kenya, set up goals for immunisation and held meetings manipulated by their nationals in which UK and US desires were subordinated to southern goals, what would the response be? For a country like the United States

in The politics of vaccination
Alistair Cole

pivotal role of the presidential election and, recently, to the organisational incentives for ambitious politicians to stand as a candidate for the presidency.2 Even more than personal rivalries, however, during the 1990s the main parties, and especially the RPR and UDF, were divided on the question of alliance strategy and in relation to specific policy issues such as Europe and immigration. Though there has been a narrowing of distinctive economic policy positions between the main parties, issues such as European integration and immigration have divided existing

in The French party system
Open Access (free)
Neil McNaughton

general taxation, it will be affected by the broader economic policies of the government. Some have argues that the system of the internal market was actually a first step to privatisation. In other words, had the Conservatives remained in power after 1997, it is suggested that this would have been the next step. Indeed on the day before the 1997 election, the Labour party produced the slogan 24 Hours to Save the NHS. It proved to be one of the keys to their election victory. Naturally, the Conservative party has always denied this, but there can be no disguising their

in Understanding British and European political issues
Open Access (free)
Neil McNaughton

, which were subject to local democracy. At university level, too, institutions fiercely retained their right to set their own educational agendas. Since 1944, however, the history of education in Britain has been one of increasing centralised state control and interference. This was the result of two factors. Firstly, there was a growing understanding that education could be used as a tool of social and economic policy. There was a growing need to ensure that each new generation should have a wide range of knowledge and skills in an ever more complex economy. At the

in Understanding British and European political issues
Jocelyn A. J. Evans

amendments permitting. For instance, opposition to the stability pact limiting budget deficits to 3 per cent ‘privent [Les Quinze] des moyens budgétaires d’impulser une véritable politique de l’emploi à l’échelle européenne’.5 Similarly, the lack of democratic checks on the European Central Bank raises fears of excessive monetarism on the part of European economic policies. This again demonstrates the need to differentiate between bases to Euroscepticism, and certainly this is not limited just to the Greens. In the case of the PCF, for instance, shifting positions on

in The French party system
Open Access (free)
Post-crisis Asia – economic recovery, September 11, 2001 and the challenges ahead
Shalendra D. Sharma

financing arrangement that would supplement IMF resources, (2) enhanced economic and technical cooperation, particularly in strengthening domestic financial systems and regulatory capacities, and (3) a mechanism for regional surveillance to complement the IMF’s global surveillance. To enhance cooperation further, the ASEAN finance ministers (on October 4, 1998), formed the ASEAN Surveillance Process (ASP) to promote closer consultations on economic policies. The ASP has two major elements: (1) to monitor global, regional and national economic and financial developments, and

in The Asian financial crisis