governing the rest of humanity.2 Malatesta
writes: ‘we would be declaring ourselves the government and would be prescribing, as do religious legislators, a universal code for present and future generations’ (1974: 44).
The second reason why anarchists eschew Marxist visions of revolution is that
anarchists have been somewhat reluctant to ascribe the role of revolutionary
saviour to the proletariat. Anarchists were much more inclined to look beyond
the industrialised working class as the embodiment of revolutionary destiny
have both observed that Mistry deprives his
characters of any radical agency in the fraught political situation
of the Emergency, instead producing a bleak account at odds
with popular opposition to state initiatives both at the time and
since. Bhatnagar claims that ‘the text highlights the elements of
despair at the cost of presenting an accurate description of the
forces of resistance’.25 For her, the character of Avinash provides
an embodiment of the resistant spirit abroad at the time, but is
too quickly silenced. Nor is any indication given of how the
Germany, the use of force and the power of strategic culture
conﬁrmed through a number of bilateral and
trilateral initiatives. Moreover, the ongoing desire to avoid singularity
and to maintain its status as a reliable ally has prompted Germany
to participate more readily in military deployments, since to abstain
would jeopardise its place within the alliance and put it out of step
with its allies. In this sense, then, the Bundeswehr is regarded as an
armed force within an alliance rather than an embodiment of purely
national military strength.
The explanation for the endurance of these foundational elements of
, in doing so, might bolster the prevailing social order.
The etymology of the term is both bodily and spatial: the Latin corporare, meaning to form into or furnish with a body, is readily visible, and
historically the word has served to describe the readmission or reabsorption of a geographic area into a larger body politic. I am not merely
interested in reincorporation as deployed in the study of improvisation
or ritual. I am concerned here with a re-embodiment that facilitates the
reorganization of space and the restructuring of time. To reincorporate
is to embody
reminds us, alternative forms of
political organisation are being created. In this sense a further argument could
be advanced: if, as Mbembe states, Africa has been portrayed as the ‘embodiment
of nothingness’, we might have to rethink Africa as the embodiment of creativity. Survival/DIY activities ‘signal renewal and creativity’ in ways that show
‘Africa […] immeasurably more alive’ (Davidson 1992: 293).
Survival is not just a form of accommodation or domination, but also a
form of subversion. Although some survival strategies are a direct denial of a
claim, such as
The failure and success of a Swedish film diversity initiative
Mara Lee Gerdén
language of vulnerability, thus disclosing a political
and creative potential that stresses agency and embodiment.
FUSION AS A DIVERSITY INITIATIVE
The background of the Fusion Programme was the 2013 reform for film
financing in Sweden.2 This reform aimed at reaching actual and literal gender
equality: to divide funding evenly between men and women. In comparison,
the diversity goal expressed in the same plan was spineless. Diversity was
described as a ‘perspective’: ‘funding shall be given based on the perspective
of diversity’.3 The same phrasing is found in the bill
Individuality, identification and multidirectional memorialisation in post-genocide Rwanda
that perceptions of the corpse have had a fascinating journey
through Rwandan consciousness that have shifted with the start,
duration and end of the violence. This phenomenon results from the
shifting processes of identification that attend the shock of persecution, the instinctive impulses towards survival and the need for post-
violence commemoration, respectively. Rwandan corpse–
intersubjective relations possess a history that precedes the corpse’s
literal embodiment of the historical moment to which it becomes
was the institutional embodiment of a broad
Atlantic Community seemed to be the best means of waylaying this negative
One of the first arguments along these lines appeared in
The Economist in February 1955. Its editorial comments offered an
early definition of what actually constituted the community:
It is a group of countries that share certain
politicise restructuring is that the
representation of globalisation in Britain is ‘naturalised’ so that the politics of
restructuring are nullified. The problem is presented as technical and open to
rational solutions, rather than as contestable. Contrary to the conspicuous
efforts to remove the politics from discourses of globalisation and flexibility, it
can be shown that the programmatic attempts to transform working practices
are contradictory, contingent and contested.
There is little doubt that Britain has become the embodiment of all that is
presumed to be flexible
Missing persons and colonial skeletons in South Africa
: Reflections on the Origin and
Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983).
This funeral was indistinguishable from a guerrilla funeral except for the
presence of flags and banners of the 1980s mass democratic movement.
M. Ramphele, ‘Political widowhood in South Africa: the embodiment of
ambiguity’, Daedalus, 125:1 (Winter 1996), p. 107.
Ibid., p. 106.
D. McRae, ‘History stalks the torturers who drove Neil Aggett to suicide’,
Mail and Guardian, 29 November–5 December 2013.
J. D. Aronson, ‘The strengths and limitations of South Africa’s search
for apartheid-era missing