, forty-two subjects out of eighty-nine
failed to ratify the Constitution. And many of those ethnic republics which
had rejected the Constitution soon went a step further, and declared that
their own constitutions were to take precedence over the Russian one.
Chechnya demanded outright secession and Tatarstan declared that it was
only an ‘associate member’ of the federation. Others republics, such as
Bashkortostan, Kalmykiya, Sakha and Tyva were able to forge confederal
relations with the centre.
Since December 1993, federal relations in Russia have largely been
This book is about science in theatre and performance. It explores how theatre and performance engage with emerging scientific themes from artificial intelligence to genetics and climate change. The book covers a wide range of performance forms from the spectacle of the Paralympics Opening Ceremony to Broadway musicals, from experimental contemporary performance and opera to educational theatre, Somali poetic drama and grime videos. It features work by pioneering companies including Gob Squad, Headlong Theatre and Theatre of Debate as well as offering fresh analysis of global blockbusters such as Wicked and Urinetown. The book offers detailed description and analysis of theatre and performance practices as well as broader commentary on the politics of theatre as public engagement with science. It documents important examples of collaborative practice with extended discussion of the Theatre of Debate process developed by Y Touring theatre company, exploration of bilingual theatre-making in East London and an account of how grime MCs and dermatologists ended up making a film together in Birmingham. The interdisciplinary approach draws on contemporary research in theatre and performance studies in combination with key ideas from science studies. It shows how theatre can offer important perspectives on what the philosopher of science Isabelle Stengers has called ‘cosmopolitics’. The book argues that theatre can flatten knowledge hierarchies and hold together different ways of knowing.
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
The major part of this book project was funded by the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Sklodowska-Curie grant agreement No. 700913. This book is about two distinct but related professional cultures in late Soviet
Russia that were concerned with material objects: industrial design and
decorative art. The Russian avant-garde of the 1920s is broadly recognised to
have been Russia’s first truly original contribution to world culture. In
contrast, Soviet design of the post-war period is often dismissed as hackwork
and plagiarism that resulted in a shabby world of commodities. This book
identifies the second historical attempt at creating a powerful alternative to
capitalist commodities in the Cold War era. It offers a new perspective on the
history of Soviet material culture by focusing on the notion of the ‘comradely
object’ as an agent of progressive social relations that state-sponsored Soviet
design inherited from the avant-garde. It introduces a shared history of
domestic objects, handmade as well as machine-made, mass-produced as well as
unique, utilitarian as well as challenging the conventional notion of utility.
Situated at the intersection of intellectual history, social history and
material culture studies, this book elucidates the complexities and
contradictions of Soviet design that echoed international tendencies of the late
twentieth century. The book is addressed to design historians, art historians,
scholars of material culture, historians of Russia and the USSR, as well as
museum and gallery curators, artists and designers, and the broader public
interested in modern aesthetics, art and design, and/or the legacy of socialist
, Iran, Muslim radicalism, excessive Arab nationalism, ethnic forces, etc. It is hard to recall a power that occasionally does not need to resort to forceful means and weapons.
Notwithstanding territorial disputes, water conflicts, ideological strife, and other disagreements, Turkey enjoys a unique and enviable situation in which no one dares to antagonize it. This is not something to depreciate, bearing in mind neighbors like Iraq, Iran, and Syria. Turkey has used the waning of the cold war and the opportunities opened to it thereafter to weaken
earlier that year (FOK
This expansion brought the total membership of the CP’86 to approxi-
mately 300 at the end of 1991. In addition, the youth and activism of the
new members gave the party a new impulse. In particular, following an
almost hidden existence for five years the young activists brought the CP’86
back into the spotlight by distributing pamphlets. Favourite targets for the
young militants were young people and inhabitants of areas with a high concentration of foreigners and ethnic minorities or
that today evokes images of
mass rape, torture, indiscriminate killing, and ‘collection centres’ – purportedly the first functional concentration camps in Europe since the Second
World War. In delineating the use of such propaganda, it will be useful to
focus on several specific themes:
Firstly, the idea of Moslems as either ethnic Croats or Serbs; and Moslem
nationalism as invented or constructed;
Secondly, the notion that Bosnia-Hercegovina had historically been
either Serbian or Croatian;
Thirdly, that claims to Moslem national identity and autonomy
, producing specific
ways of talking about race, class, place and schooling.
School choice opens up a moment to explore the ways in which
people imagine themselves, their children and others in social, relational, space. This is crucial because, as will be discussed in Chapter
1, choice also increases class and ethnic segregation and inequalities.
Choices parents make for their children’s education and the ways in
which they talk about it come out of understandings of their (and their
children’s) relationships to others – in the past, present and future.
These are also
Britain as a ‘nation of immigrants’ to which ethnic minority communities had
made important contributions but was uncomfortable with some aspects of
In New Labour, the Conservatives faced a party more confident and adept
in the use of patriotic discourse than previously. The Blair government
depicted itself as representing modern patriotism, revitalising both the nation
state and national identity through its programme of constitutional reform,
devolution and constructive engagement in the EU. The ‘cool Britannia’
of the ideologies of only the VB and the CP’86. Both parties strive for the
inclusion of all members of the Dutch ethnic community within the Dutch
state, which means the unification of the Netherlands and Flanders into a
Great-Netherlands state. The VB explicitly states that this should be a federalist state, whereas the CP’86 does not address this issue. Surprisingly,
both parties mention this relatively radical ideal of a Great-Netherlands
principally in their externally oriented literature, most notably in their programmes of principle. In the case of the VB