Open Access (free)
Reconceptualising states’ obligations in countering VAWH
Sara De Vido

have been ‘categorised’ have not always been clear. In particular, the framework used in international human rights law – to respect, to protect and to fulfil human rights – was confused with other ‘categories,’ such as obligations of conduct and of result. There might be some overlap, but distinctions should be made. After analysing possible ways to pigeonhole states’ obligations, I will find the category within which my paradigm works, in order to proceed with the legal analysis of states’ obligations in countering VAWH, as conceived in its double dimension. The

in Violence against women’s health in international law
Open Access (free)
The politics of exhumation in post-genocide Rwanda
Rémi Korman

9 Bury or display? The politics of exhumation in post-genocide Rwanda Rémi Korman The practices and techniques employed by forensic anthropologists in the scientific documentation of human rights violations, and situations of mass murder and genocide in particular, have developed enormously since the early 1990s.1 The best-known case studies concern Latin American countries which suffered under the dictatorships of the 1970s–1980s, Franco’s Spain, and Bosnia. In Rwanda, the first forensic study of a large-scale massacre was carried out one year before the

in Human remains and identification
Still unique or just one in the crowd?
Karen E. Smith

human rights and conflict prevention assume much greater significance, and the EU’s policy is now ‘intended to shape the political complexion and policy preferences of recipient governments’ (Bretherton and Vogler, 1999: 136). Politicisation really began in earnest with respect to Central and Eastern Europe at the end of the Cold War, where the EU’s main aim was support for political and economic reforms. Politicisation reflects the view that sustainable development can take place only in a context of security, democracy and freedom (Council of Ministers, 1991; Arts

in EU development cooperation
Eşref Aksu

the importance of both the inviolability of Cambodia’s sovereignty and respect for human rights. China’s normative priority was clearly the former, with an emphasis on removing Vietnamese dominance in Cambodia’s internal affairs. Vietnam, on the other hand, continually stressed its concern that the previous Khmer Rouge regime, which had perpetrated gross human rights abuses, should not be allowed

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

Humanitarian intervention – that is, military intervention aimed at saving innocent people in other countries from massive violations of human rights (primarily the right to life) – entered public consciousness around 1990 as never before in the course of the twentieth century. It has earned a central place in scholarly research and in the preoccupations of decision-makers and international organizations and has captured the imagination of the wider public in a

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Matthew S. Weinert

.g. adequate regard for human rights; legitimate modes of governance institutions and processes; rule of law) and responsibility to others (e.g. fulfilment of international obligations, especially ones related to security and participation in the global economy). Finally, in the late twentieth century, recognition of new and successor states emerging out of disintegrating multi

in Recognition and Global Politics
Problematising the normative connection
Eşref Aksu

prove irreconcilable, as was demonstrated in the case of the former Yugoslavia. 5 At times, the principles of non-intervention and human rights may come into conflict. 6 The ongoing debate on the right to humanitarian intervention, for instance, revolves mainly around a perceived normative dilemma embedded in the Charter. As the Carnegie Commission puts it: ‘The

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Jürgen Habermas and the European left
Robert Fine and Philip Spencer

cosmopolitanism. 6 The historian Tony Judt summarised the issue very well when he commented that ‘what is truly awful about the destruction of the Jews is not that it mattered so much but that it mattered so little’. 7 There were exceptions to this norm. 8 The enactment of ‘crimes against humanity’ and two further founding documents of the postwar epoch, the Genocide Convention and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, passed in1948 within 24 hours of

in Antisemitism and the left
The logics underpining EU enlargement
Helene Sjursen and Karen E. Smith

Britain, Ireland and Denmark, did not take place on the basis of explicit membership criteria. It was not until the mid-1970s that membership conditions became a matter of concern, because of the unfolding events in Southern Europe. In April 1978, the European Council declared that respect for and maintenance of representative democracy and human rights in each Member State are essential elements of membership in the European

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

of ‘the serious political and human rights issues in Kosovo’. 8 In September, Resolution 1199 used stronger language. It spoke of the need to ‘avert the impending humanitarian catastrophe’ in the province. 9 In addition, as noted above, the UN Secretary-General had called upon member states to take action to prevent a ‘humanitarian disaster’ in Kosovo. Given the inclusion of such phrases, there is

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security