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From idealism to pragmatism (1984–2002)
Bruno Villalba and Sylvie Vieillard-Coffre

4 The Greens: from idealism to pragmatism (1984–2002) Bruno Villalba and Sylvie Vieillard-Coffre The left The Greens: from idealism to pragmatism Introduction ‘Utopia has come to French history’, declared René Dumont on 26 April 1974. Conscious of the necessity of establishing such a utopia, he was of the opinion that the newly founded ecologist movement should ‘organise so as to establish itself permanently as an influence in French political life’ (Dumont, 1974: 5). Twenty-five years later, this utopian movement has been replaced by a complex organisation

in The French party system
Open Access (free)
Peter Burnell

influenced by the manner in which change comes about and the route that is taken. Here the accumulation of historical evidence portraying in detail the ‘inner’ connections of temporal processes looks to be most relevant. This will incline research towards case-studies of the origins and genesis of change. What is perhaps surprising, then, is that it was in economics (more accurately, 10 DEMOCRATIZATION THROUGH THE LOOKING-GLASS economic geography) where the idea emerged that a richer appreciation of the role of historical processes in generating variations in political

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Open Access (free)
Geoffrey Wood

the state centred on the view that political life under capitalism is inherently repressive, ‘crushing the everyday life, economic life, the real life of individuals’ (Lefebvre 1966: 130). In other words, under capitalism, the state is simply there to ensure that favourable conditions for capital accumulation are created. Democratization is not something that is achieved, but an ongoing struggle that can be carried forwards or forced into retreat. The struggle is about going beyond a democratic state to building a society without state power, Marx’s communist utopia

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Open Access (free)
Tuur Driesser

‘anticipatory action’ arising from the increasing importance of new technologies in social and political life (Anderson, 2010). In the context of urban informatics, the formalisation and legitimation of anticipatory action as response to threats of terrorism, biosecurity and ecological disaster (Anderson, 2010) is routinely expressed in the field’s selfproclaimed potential to deliver sustainable, efficient and resilient cities. These tendencies fundamentally reshape originally linear temporalities by bringing – in particular ways – the future into the present; rewriting, in

in Time for mapping
Regnar Kristensen

, making his funeral reminiscent of a state funeral. As Katherine Verdery has convincingly argued in The Political Lives of Dead Bodies (1999), there may be more enchanted approaches towards corpses than the sovereign’s image strategies. She suggests here a different take on the politics of corpses by focusing on how the reburials of revolutionary leaders, artists and more humble folk have enchanted the political life of Eastern Europe and played a fundamental part in revising the past and reorienting the present following the fall of the Soviet Dangerous corpses in

in Governing the dead
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Irish drama since 1990
Clare Wallace and Ondrej Pilný

. 94), and also notes Eileen Battersby’s linking of the politician with Richard III. The latter he finds to be a very apt analogy, and only regrets that no other of the histories have been considered: although these may not be so deeply lodged in people’s memories, they could provide metaphoric images of Irish political life ‘which would prove more immediate and less flattering’ than any allusions to the tragedies (p. 96). At the same time, though, Roche points out the extent to which artists have been among the chief beneficiaries of financial policies introduced by

in Irish literature since 1990
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Peter Morey

castes were increasingly assertive in mainstream political life, becoming agents rather than mere victims: to the extent that Dalit (Untouchable) governments have risen to power in certain areas. Tabish Khair agrees that post-independence lowercaste gains are ignored, and states that in Mistry’s novel this oversight results in ‘static images’ of oppression. Moreover, a lack of attention to the evolving structures of Brahminical power and the increasing sophistication of cultural and economic hegemony give the text the quality of ‘a sort of eternal “epic of the victim

in Rohinton Mistry
Robert Fine and Philip Spencer

from establishing their own educational institutions, marrying Gentiles, employing Christians as servants or entering Germany, that they should be forced to wear a distinctive mark on their clothing and that they should be encouraged to emigrate. 5 Fries' depiction of the Jews as the enemy of the people was coupled with the revolutionary conviction that all political life must derive exclusively from the people, a category from which the Jews were excluded

in Antisemitism and the left
David Owen

if the link between individual autonomy and collective self-government need not imply that citizens have a duty to participate actively in the political life of the polity, it does imply that they must have the opportunity to do so. But this opportunity in turn depends on their capacity to participate. The citizenship status of minor children or cognitively disabled persons might then be in jeopardy

in Democratic inclusion
Learning from the case of Kosovo
Jenny H. Peterson

political life in Kosovo. Given its favourable position on independence, it maintained a fairly cooperative relationship with the government of Kosovo. Despite the breadth of actors involved in Kosovo’s reconstruction and the wide range of programme areas over which the DSI has presided, there has never been a specific policy or programme to deal with the problem of Kosovo’s war economy. As will be discussed in upcoming chapters, having been framed in terms of the ‘ethnic conflict’ discourse, issues of politicaleconomy were not a priority in the immediate post

in Building a peace economy?