years to be the economic
driving force of the modern global economy.
Defending socialdemocracy in A
Theory of Justice (1971), John Rawls argued for liberty in an unequal
society. He stated that every person has a right to the greatest possible
liberty concomitant with the same degree of liberty allowed to others.
Liberty is defined in rather narrow terms: freedom of
‘liberty’ appeared to be increasingly taken by many people to
mean ‘licence’, a lack of restraint, a lack of moderation and
self-respect, as well as lacking the central liberal value of respect for
the rights of others.
Liberalism, as a distinct ideological
movement, continued to be squeezed by both conservatism and socialdemocracy. Politicians of both the right and the left plundered liberalism
., pp. 216 and 142.
LABOUR AND THE FIRST WORLD WAR
84 Cited in Joll, Origins of the First World War, p.1.
85 LPACR, 1919, p. 196.
86 See LPACR, 1919, appendix 8, ‘International Labour and Socialist
Conference, Berne, 26 January to 10 February 1919, text of resolutions,
87 LPACR, 1923, pp. 11–12.
88 G. D. H. Cole, A History of Socialist Thought, vol. 4, part 2, Communism
and SocialDemocracy 1914–1931 (London: Macmillan, 1958), p. 688.
89 Taylor, The Trouble Makers, p. 158.
90 Henry Winkler, ‘The emergence of a Labor
Literary satire and Oskar Panizza’s Psichopatia criminalis (1898)
argued – wrongly – that Panizza had been sacked from his post as a
psychiatrist for this reason.39 For Tucholsky, ‘the unhappy Panizza stood
out by far among Munich writers’, since their political will – which was
supposedly typical for the period – was too narrow, and failed to establish
a ‘connection with the working socialdemocracy, which could have intellectually stimulated these writers, and rather subsided into a middle-class
bohemia’.40 This view of Panizza was rekindled by the German political
left throughout the twentieth century, which considered Panizza a
Labour Party’, Political Quarterly,
26 (1956); C. A. R. Crosland, The Conservative Enemy (1962), pp. 173–4.
7 H. Gaitskell, ‘Public ownership and equality’, Socialist Commentary, June
1955, and ‘Socialism and nationalisation’, Fabian Tract, 300 (1956), p. 3.
8 See, in particular, L. Panitch, SocialDemocracy and Industrial Militancy
9 Report of the Sixty-Eighth Annual Conference of the Labour Party (1969), p. 341.
10 Labour Party, Let’s Go with Labour for the New Britain (1964), pp. 13–14; and
Labour Party, Time for Decision (1966), pp. 15–16.
combination of ideals became a revolutionary force.
Out of these different movements sprang the rational SocialDemocracy that was to shape government politics in Sweden – and
other Nordic countries – for almost a century. Its egalitarian
Enlightenment ideology characterised the modern project throughout
the twentieth century. There are many Swedish traits that are
characteristic of this period; I would like to mention two well-known
ones which are interrelated and may be linked to the subject of this
study: equality and social trust. During the twentieth century Sweden
. From 1973 to 1975 Jospin was the party’s National
Secretary for Political Education before taking charge of Third World
Relations (1975–79) and then International Affairs (1979–81). He
was appointed First Secretary of the party in 1981, leading the party in a
process of ideological transformation away from traditional socialism
towards a new style of socialdemocracy, which culminated in the
party’s 1985 Congress at Toulouse
socialdemocracy, catholic–clerical traditionalism in cultural and family
policy, and a conservative domestic policy. The SPD has been unsuccessful in its attempts to offer an appealing alternative, and it suffers along
with the Greens and FDP from a variety of problems, including organizational weakness, recruitment of elites, little influence with the federal
party, and competition with “flash parties” on the right and left.8
Given the date of the election on 13 September 1998 just before the federal election two weeks later, the CSU stressed its distance from the
Global Britishness and settler cultures in South Africa and New Zealand
Charles V. Reed
national stories of New Zealand or Australia or South Africa as one of
inevitable independence and nationhood, colonial children grown into
able-minded adults capable of self-rule. There is also a tendency to
craft unique mythologies that separate child from mother: a socialdemocracy of New Zealand or republicanism and white rule in South
Africa. The role of Britishness and empire in these national stories
a professorship in sociology in Hamburg. During the 1950s his
reputation grew, and in 1960 he was offered a post at the University
of Münster, where he at the same time became director of one of
the German Federal Republic’s most important centres of empirical
social science, the ‘Sozialforschungsstelle an der Universität Münster’
in Dortmund. During these first post-war decades Schelsky embraced
a technocratic ideal of modernisation, and in political terms he
was close to SocialDemocracy. In a rapid succession of works,
he explored the social conditions of