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years to be the economic driving force of the modern global economy. John Rawls Defending social democracy in A Theory of Justice (1971), John Rawls argued for liberty in an unequal society. He stated that every person has a right to the greatest possible liberty concomitant with the same degree of liberty allowed to others. Liberty is defined in rather narrow terms: freedom of

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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‘liberty’ appeared to be increasingly taken by many people to mean ‘licence’, a lack of restraint, a lack of moderation and self-respect, as well as lacking the central liberal value of respect for the rights of others. Liberalism, as a distinct ideological movement, continued to be squeezed by both conservatism and social democracy. Politicians of both the right and the left plundered liberalism for ideas

in Understanding political ideas and movements

., pp. 216 and 142. Vic03 10/15/03 2:10 PM Page 79 LABOUR AND THE FIRST WORLD WAR 79 84 Cited in Joll, Origins of the First World War, p.1. 85 LPACR, 1919, p. 196. 86 See LPACR, 1919, appendix 8, ‘International Labour and Socialist Conference, Berne, 26 January to 10 February 1919, text of resolutions, p. 196. 87 LPACR, 1923, pp. 11–12. 88 G. D. H. Cole, A History of Socialist Thought, vol. 4, part 2, Communism and Social Democracy 1914–1931 (London: Macmillan, 1958), p. 688. 89 Taylor, The Trouble Makers, p. 158. 90 Henry Winkler, ‘The emergence of a Labor

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
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Literary satire and Oskar Panizza’s Psichopatia criminalis (1898)

argued – wrongly – that Panizza had been sacked from his post as a psychiatrist for this reason.39 For Tucholsky, ‘the unhappy Panizza stood out by far among Munich writers’, since their political will – which was supposedly typical for the period – was too narrow, and failed to establish a ‘connection with the working social democracy, which could have intellectually stimulated these writers, and rather subsided into a middle-class bohemia’.40 This view of Panizza was rekindled by the German political left throughout the twentieth century, which considered Panizza a

in A history of the case study
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Labour Party’, Political Quarterly, 26 (1956); C. A. R. Crosland, The Conservative Enemy (1962), pp. 173–4. 7 H. Gaitskell, ‘Public ownership and equality’, Socialist Commentary, June 1955, and ‘Socialism and nationalisation’, Fabian Tract, 300 (1956), p. 3. 8 See, in particular, L. Panitch, Social Democracy and Industrial Militancy (Cambridge, 1976). 9 Report of the Sixty-Eighth Annual Conference of the Labour Party (1969), p. 341. 10 Labour Party, Let’s Go with Labour for the New Britain (1964), pp. 13–14; and Labour Party, Time for Decision (1966), pp. 15–16. 11

in The Labour Governments 1964–70 volume 1
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combination of ideals became a revolutionary force. Out of these different movements sprang the rational Social Democracy that was to shape government politics in Sweden – and other Nordic countries – for almost a century. Its egalitarian Enlightenment ideology characterised the modern project throughout the twentieth century. There are many Swedish traits that are characteristic of this period; I would like to mention two well-known ones which are interrelated and may be linked to the subject of this study: equality and social trust. During the twentieth century Sweden

in Exposed
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. From 1973 to 1975 Jospin was the party’s National Secretary for Political Education before taking charge of Third World Relations (1975–79) and then International Affairs (1979–81). He was appointed First Secretary of the party in 1981, leading the party in a process of ideological transformation away from traditional socialism towards a new style of social democracy, which culminated in the party’s 1985 Congress at Toulouse

in The politics today companion to West European Politics
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, social democracy, catholic–clerical traditionalism in cultural and family policy, and a conservative domestic policy. The SPD has been unsuccessful in its attempts to offer an appealing alternative, and it suffers along with the Greens and FDP from a variety of problems, including organizational weakness, recruitment of elites, little influence with the federal party, and competition with “flash parties” on the right and left.8 Given the date of the election on 13 September 1998 just before the federal election two weeks later, the CSU stressed its distance from the

in The Länder and German federalism
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Global Britishness and settler cultures in South Africa and New Zealand

national stories of New Zealand or Australia or South Africa as one of inevitable independence and nationhood, colonial children grown into able-minded adults capable of self-rule. There is also a tendency to craft unique mythologies that separate child from mother: a social democracy of New Zealand or republicanism and white rule in South Africa. The role of Britishness and empire in these national stories

in Royal tourists, colonial subjects and the making of a British world, 1860–1911
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offered a professorship in sociology in Hamburg. During the 1950s his reputation grew, and in 1960 he was offered a post at the University of Münster, where he at the same time became director of one of the German Federal Republic’s most important centres of empirical social science, the ‘Sozialforschungsstelle an der Universität Münster’ in Dortmund. During these first post-war decades Schelsky embraced a technocratic ideal of modernisation, and in political terms he was close to Social Democracy. In a rapid succession of works, he explored the social conditions of

in Humboldt and the modern German university