The dualist and complex role of the state in Spanish labour and employment relations in an age of ‘flexibility’
Miguel Martínez Lucio
Making work more equal
employment (and within that specific aspects of employment). The more permanent or fixed forms of dialogue such as the Consejo Economico y Social have not
really had the impact some would desire in strategic terms. Some critical voices
have argued much of this may be due to the nature of socialdemocracy in Spain,
which has been enthralled with marketisation. There is a view that there is a
trade-off between strategy and structure – that the collective voice of workers
has been strategically restricted to specific times and in
as a subordinate of Rwanda and their allies?
(Masisi MP 2 2014)
Speaking more broadly, another representative stated:
The DRC needs socialdemocracy but it is not possible because of lack of investment
and lack of financial means. The DRC is asphyxiated because the policy from the big
powers is ‘you pay us first before we give you the money’ … also everyone is having
a piece of the cake here. The US and France take the petrol, the US and Belgium take
the cobalt, Germany operates in the Katanga mining, the gold is taken by Canada
and the UK and a bit by the US
., pp. 216 and 142.
LABOUR AND THE FIRST WORLD WAR
84 Cited in Joll, Origins of the First World War, p.1.
85 LPACR, 1919, p. 196.
86 See LPACR, 1919, appendix 8, ‘International Labour and Socialist
Conference, Berne, 26 January to 10 February 1919, text of resolutions,
87 LPACR, 1923, pp. 11–12.
88 G. D. H. Cole, A History of Socialist Thought, vol. 4, part 2, Communism
and SocialDemocracy 1914–1931 (London: Macmillan, 1958), p. 688.
89 Taylor, The Trouble Makers, p. 158.
90 Henry Winkler, ‘The emergence of a Labor
Literary satire and Oskar Panizza’s Psichopatia criminalis (1898)
argued – wrongly – that Panizza had been sacked from his post as a
psychiatrist for this reason.39 For Tucholsky, ‘the unhappy Panizza stood
out by far among Munich writers’, since their political will – which was
supposedly typical for the period – was too narrow, and failed to establish
a ‘connection with the working socialdemocracy, which could have intellectually stimulated these writers, and rather subsided into a middle-class
bohemia’.40 This view of Panizza was rekindled by the German political
left throughout the twentieth century, which considered Panizza a
Labour Party’, Political Quarterly,
26 (1956); C. A. R. Crosland, The Conservative Enemy (1962), pp. 173–4.
7 H. Gaitskell, ‘Public ownership and equality’, Socialist Commentary, June
1955, and ‘Socialism and nationalisation’, Fabian Tract, 300 (1956), p. 3.
8 See, in particular, L. Panitch, SocialDemocracy and Industrial Militancy
9 Report of the Sixty-Eighth Annual Conference of the Labour Party (1969), p. 341.
10 Labour Party, Let’s Go with Labour for the New Britain (1964), pp. 13–14; and
Labour Party, Time for Decision (1966), pp. 15–16.
combination of ideals became a revolutionary force.
Out of these different movements sprang the rational SocialDemocracy that was to shape government politics in Sweden – and
other Nordic countries – for almost a century. Its egalitarian
Enlightenment ideology characterised the modern project throughout
the twentieth century. There are many Swedish traits that are
characteristic of this period; I would like to mention two well-known
ones which are interrelated and may be linked to the subject of this
study: equality and social trust. During the twentieth century Sweden
. From 1973 to 1975 Jospin was the party’s National
Secretary for Political Education before taking charge of Third World
Relations (1975–79) and then International Affairs (1979–81). He
was appointed First Secretary of the party in 1981, leading the party in a
process of ideological transformation away from traditional socialism
towards a new style of socialdemocracy, which culminated in the
party’s 1985 Congress at Toulouse
Global Britishness and settler cultures in South Africa and New Zealand
Charles V. Reed
national stories of New Zealand or Australia or South Africa as one of
inevitable independence and nationhood, colonial children grown into
able-minded adults capable of self-rule. There is also a tendency to
craft unique mythologies that separate child from mother: a socialdemocracy of New Zealand or republicanism and white rule in South
Africa. The role of Britishness and empire in these national stories
socialdemocracy, catholic–clerical traditionalism in cultural and family
policy, and a conservative domestic policy. The SPD has been unsuccessful in its attempts to offer an appealing alternative, and it suffers along
with the Greens and FDP from a variety of problems, including organizational weakness, recruitment of elites, little influence with the federal
party, and competition with “flash parties” on the right and left.8
Given the date of the election on 13 September 1998 just before the federal election two weeks later, the CSU stressed its distance from the
disturbance with little effort. Political and constitutional democracy had still advanced to include only a minority of the adult population by the beginning of the twentieth century. Socialdemocracy was similarly restrained. Class remained a physical and sartorial dimension of visible public life, and whilst by the 1920s the boundaries were being breached, those who breached them risked being seen, at least by those into whose territory they climbed, either as ‘impostors’ or as hooligans. The Times reported with outrage that the participants in the Kinder Scout mass