as a subordinate of Rwanda and their allies?
(Masisi MP 2 2014)
Speaking more broadly, another representative stated:
The DRC needs socialdemocracy but it is not possible because of lack of investment
and lack of financial means. The DRC is asphyxiated because the policy from the big
powers is ‘you pay us first before we give you the money’ … also everyone is having
a piece of the cake here. The US and France take the petrol, the US and Belgium take
the cobalt, Germany operates in the Katanga mining, the gold is taken by Canada
and the UK and a bit by the US
uncertainty’ and are reflexively managed, 25 in the sense that every action
is undertaken in the light of some knowledge concerning its
While Giddens embraces socialist values of solidarity,
community and social responsibility, he believes that the
changes wrought by globalisation render the centralised socialist
state redundant. He characterises post-war socialdemocracy
The Third Way and the case of the Private Finance Initiative
, but these would be increasingly
supplied, under contract, by private firms.
David Marquand has argued that the fate of
‘socialdemocracy and the public domain are inextricably
intertwined [for] without a vibrant public domain, ring-fenced from
the market and private domains, social democratic politics cannot
flourish’. 76 If so, in this may lie the ultimate significance
’, Critical Social Policy , 18:55 (1998), pp.
A. Giddens, The Third Way: The Renewal of SocialDemocracy (Cambridge, Polity Press, 1998), pp. 102–3.
Giddens, The Third Way , p. 104.
Giddens, The Third Way , p. 101
., pp. 216 and 142.
LABOUR AND THE FIRST WORLD WAR
84 Cited in Joll, Origins of the First World War, p.1.
85 LPACR, 1919, p. 196.
86 See LPACR, 1919, appendix 8, ‘International Labour and Socialist
Conference, Berne, 26 January to 10 February 1919, text of resolutions,
87 LPACR, 1923, pp. 11–12.
88 G. D. H. Cole, A History of Socialist Thought, vol. 4, part 2, Communism
and SocialDemocracy 1914–1931 (London: Macmillan, 1958), p. 688.
89 Taylor, The Trouble Makers, p. 158.
90 Henry Winkler, ‘The emergence of a Labor
Literary satire and Oskar Panizza’s Psichopatia criminalis (1898)
argued – wrongly – that Panizza had been sacked from his post as a
psychiatrist for this reason.39 For Tucholsky, ‘the unhappy Panizza stood
out by far among Munich writers’, since their political will – which was
supposedly typical for the period – was too narrow, and failed to establish
a ‘connection with the working socialdemocracy, which could have intellectually stimulated these writers, and rather subsided into a middle-class
bohemia’.40 This view of Panizza was rekindled by the German political
left throughout the twentieth century, which considered Panizza a
Labour Party’, Political Quarterly,
26 (1956); C. A. R. Crosland, The Conservative Enemy (1962), pp. 173–4.
7 H. Gaitskell, ‘Public ownership and equality’, Socialist Commentary, June
1955, and ‘Socialism and nationalisation’, Fabian Tract, 300 (1956), p. 3.
8 See, in particular, L. Panitch, SocialDemocracy and Industrial Militancy
9 Report of the Sixty-Eighth Annual Conference of the Labour Party (1969), p. 341.
10 Labour Party, Let’s Go with Labour for the New Britain (1964), pp. 13–14; and
Labour Party, Time for Decision (1966), pp. 15–16.
combination of ideals became a revolutionary force.
Out of these different movements sprang the rational SocialDemocracy that was to shape government politics in Sweden – and
other Nordic countries – for almost a century. Its egalitarian
Enlightenment ideology characterised the modern project throughout
the twentieth century. There are many Swedish traits that are
characteristic of this period; I would like to mention two well-known
ones which are interrelated and may be linked to the subject of this
study: equality and social trust. During the twentieth century Sweden
, professional interests, institutional arrangements and subject populations. Conversely, given Britain's broad political shifts from Edwardian liberalism to neo-liberalism over the twentieth century, notably via distinctive blends of conservatism and socialdemocracy, a stable focus also makes it possible to assess the influence of political rationalities on histories of balance when actors and subjects remain broadly similar. Comparative consideration of balance and self in the US – particularly in Chapters 5 , 9 and 10 – enhances these reflections, offering the
. From 1973 to 1975 Jospin was the party’s National
Secretary for Political Education before taking charge of Third World
Relations (1975–79) and then International Affairs (1979–81). He
was appointed First Secretary of the party in 1981, leading the party in a
process of ideological transformation away from traditional socialism
towards a new style of socialdemocracy, which culminated in the
party’s 1985 Congress at Toulouse