Search results

Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

as a subordinate of Rwanda and their allies? (Masisi MP 2 2014) Speaking more broadly, another representative stated: The DRC needs social democracy but it is not possible because of lack of investment and lack of financial means. The DRC is asphyxiated because the policy from the big powers is ‘you pay us first before we give you the money’ … also everyone is having a piece of the cake here. The US and France take the petrol, the US and Belgium take the cobalt, Germany operates in the Katanga mining, the gold is taken by Canada and the UK and a bit by the US

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
A managerial perspective
Peter McCullen and Colin Harris

uncertainty’ and are reflexively managed, 25 in the sense that every action is undertaken in the light of some knowledge concerning its consequences. While Giddens embraces socialist values of solidarity, community and social responsibility, he believes that the changes wrought by globalisation render the centralised socialist state redundant. He characterises post-war social democracy

in The Third Way and beyond
The Third Way and the case of the Private Finance Initiative
Eric Shaw

, but these would be increasingly supplied, under contract, by private firms. David Marquand has argued that the fate of ‘social democracy and the public domain are inextricably intertwined [for] without a vibrant public domain, ring-fenced from the market and private domains, social democratic politics cannot flourish’. 76 If so, in this may lie the ultimate significance

in The Third Way and beyond
Bill Jordan

’, Critical Social Policy , 18:55 (1998), pp. 217–29. 28 A. Giddens, The Third Way: The Renewal of Social Democracy (Cambridge, Polity Press, 1998), pp. 102–3. 29 Giddens, The Third Way , p. 104. 30 Giddens, The Third Way , p. 101

in Political concepts
Rhiannon Vickers

., pp. 216 and 142. Vic03 10/15/03 2:10 PM Page 79 LABOUR AND THE FIRST WORLD WAR 79 84 Cited in Joll, Origins of the First World War, p.1. 85 LPACR, 1919, p. 196. 86 See LPACR, 1919, appendix 8, ‘International Labour and Socialist Conference, Berne, 26 January to 10 February 1919, text of resolutions, p. 196. 87 LPACR, 1923, pp. 11–12. 88 G. D. H. Cole, A History of Socialist Thought, vol. 4, part 2, Communism and Social Democracy 1914–1931 (London: Macmillan, 1958), p. 688. 89 Taylor, The Trouble Makers, p. 158. 90 Henry Winkler, ‘The emergence of a Labor

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Open Access (free)
Literary satire and Oskar Panizza’s Psichopatia criminalis (1898)
Birgit Lang

argued – wrongly – that Panizza had been sacked from his post as a psychiatrist for this reason.39 For Tucholsky, ‘the unhappy Panizza stood out by far among Munich writers’, since their political will – which was supposedly typical for the period – was too narrow, and failed to establish a ‘connection with the working social democracy, which could have intellectually stimulated these writers, and rather subsided into a middle-class bohemia’.40 This view of Panizza was rekindled by the German political left throughout the twentieth century, which considered Panizza a

in A history of the case study
Open Access (free)
Steven Fielding

Labour Party’, Political Quarterly, 26 (1956); C. A. R. Crosland, The Conservative Enemy (1962), pp. 173–4. 7 H. Gaitskell, ‘Public ownership and equality’, Socialist Commentary, June 1955, and ‘Socialism and nationalisation’, Fabian Tract, 300 (1956), p. 3. 8 See, in particular, L. Panitch, Social Democracy and Industrial Militancy (Cambridge, 1976). 9 Report of the Sixty-Eighth Annual Conference of the Labour Party (1969), p. 341. 10 Labour Party, Let’s Go with Labour for the New Britain (1964), pp. 13–14; and Labour Party, Time for Decision (1966), pp. 15–16. 11

in The Labour Governments 1964–70 volume 1
Open Access (free)
Mia-Marie Hammarlin

combination of ideals became a revolutionary force. Out of these different movements sprang the rational Social Democracy that was to shape government politics in Sweden – and other Nordic countries – for almost a century. Its egalitarian Enlightenment ideology characterised the modern project throughout the twentieth century. There are many Swedish traits that are characteristic of this period; I would like to mention two well-known ones which are interrelated and may be linked to the subject of this study: equality and social trust. During the twentieth century Sweden

in Exposed
Open Access (free)
Balancing the self in the twentieth century
Mark Jackson and Martin D. Moore

, professional interests, institutional arrangements and subject populations. Conversely, given Britain's broad political shifts from Edwardian liberalism to neo-liberalism over the twentieth century, notably via distinctive blends of conservatism and social democracy, a stable focus also makes it possible to assess the influence of political rationalities on histories of balance when actors and subjects remain broadly similar. Comparative consideration of balance and self in the US – particularly in Chapters 5 , 9 and 10 – enhances these reflections, offering the

in Balancing the self
Open Access (free)
Geoffrey K. Roberts and Patricia Hogwood

. From 1973 to 1975 Jospin was the party’s National Secretary for Political Education before taking charge of Third World Relations (1975–79) and then International Affairs (1979–81). He was appointed First Secretary of the party in 1981, leading the party in a process of ideological transformation away from traditional socialism towards a new style of social democracy, which culminated in the party’s 1985 Congress at Toulouse

in The politics today companion to West European Politics