Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

’. 12 Forthright criticism was not only limited to those that predictably took a strong view on the sanctity of state sovereignty. The Rio Group of Latin American states similarly expressed its ‘anxiety’ over the use of force in ‘contravention of the provisions of Article 53’ of the UN Charter. 13 Clearly therefore, important components of the international community did not accept notions of an

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis, and Kostas Ifantis

be, at stake, such as European Political Co-operation (EPC) that was merely codified in a legal text, intergovernmentalism effectively prevailed as the dominant mode of decision-taking. Moreover, no subsequent alteration of the locus of sovereignty emerged as a result of 42 Theory and reform in the European Union the coming into force of the SEA in July 1987, although it did pave the way for higher levels of power-sharing in the Community system. An equally important line of criticism directed against resurgent neofunctionalist aspirations came from a number of

in Theory and reform in the European Union
Open Access (free)
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

assumed that the non-intervention norm was established in the Treaty of Westphalia (1648). In fact non-intervention was established as a principle of international law in the first half of the eighteenth century by jurists Christian Wolff and Emer de Vattel. 9 Thereafter non-intervention became a fully fledged legal principle associated with the principles of sovereignty and independence. Half a century later, Kant lent considerable weight to this new norm in his quest for principles

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Open Access (free)
Retrieving a ‘Global’ American Philosopher
John Narayan

intercontinental or interregional forms of trade, production and finance that have fundamentally altered the status of the nation state and national democracy (Held 2010: 28–9).3 The primary effect of neo-liberal globalization is that ‘modern sovereignty’, where autonomous nation states exercise unquestionable authority within bounded political communities and resolve their differences with one another through reason of state and diplomacy, is said to have collapsed (Held and McGrew 2007: 211). This is because neo-liberal globalization has encouraged the deterritorialization of

in John Dewey
Open Access (free)
Simon Mabon

everyday life. Unlike other religions, Islam is seen to be well equipped to provide guidance to its followers on circumventing the seductive trappings of this life, offering explicitly political instructions on how best to live life through adherence to the Quran and Sunna  –​seen to be Divine Law  –​yet the very interpretation of such texts by infallible human agency brings in subjectivity, couched in contingency, which leads to division, difference and ultimately, the erosion of God’s sovereignty. This chapter focuses on competing claims of authority found within

in Houses built on sand
Open Access (free)
Alex Warleigh

of the EU’s own political culture and likely to remain necessary. The first balancing act that the EU must perform is between different competing national views of what a democratic Union would constitute. The member states continue to want different things from integration in terms of both specific policy areas and its ultimate end-point, the so-called finalité politique. Consequently they differ in the degree of sovereignty they are prepared to exercise jointly 190 AREAS with their partners, and also over the specific regime they would consider legitimate to

in Democratization through the looking-glass
The analytical framework
Eşref Aksu

overriding and uncontested value, especially in relation to other important principles in the Charter. On close inspection it becomes evident that most principles scattered through the Charter cluster around three other basic values and are closely associated with them: 32 state sovereignty, human rights and socio-economic development. State sovereignty and human rights seem to be especially relevant to the

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Open Access (free)
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis, and Kostas Ifantis

-operative federalism’ of the German political system, find it equally difficult to reconcile two apparently mutually exclusive principles: the preservation of high levels of segmental autonomy within a nascent, yet politically and constitutionally uncrystallised, system of mutual governance. That is, to capture the dynamics of two complementary objectives: strengthening the political viability of separate constitutional orders through the institutionalisation of joint sovereignty and with it the practice of political co-determination. The intellectual problem associated with such an

in Theory and reform in the European Union
Open Access (free)
Cameron Ross

marginalise the more radical nationalists and bring the ‘parade of sovereignties’ to an end. However, as we discussed in chapter 4, the dangers of ethnic separatism spreading across the federation were never, in fact, very high. In only 7 of Russia’s 21 republics does the indigenous population make up a majority. And of the 11 autonomous there are only 2 where the indigenous population predominates. Furthermore, in those 7 subjects where the indigenous population comprises a majority, 1 is landlocked and the remaining 6 are dependent on the centre for their economic

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
Open Access (free)
Kosovo and the outlines of Europe’s new order
Sergei Medvedev and Peter van Ham

Kosovo has called in question the orthodox understanding of what European security is all about. Perhaps appropriately, coming as it does at the beginning of a new millennium, ‘Kosovo’ testifies not only to the opening of a post-Westphalian era where aged notions such as sovereignty and territoriality have become uncertain, but to a potential post-Clausewitzian era in which ‘hard’ military power as the straightforward

in Mapping European security after Kosovo