left-wing) terrorism, which is embedded in the official German state policy of streitbare Demokratie (militant democracy). According to the party terrorism is caused in part by the ‘general lack of legal security and community spirit’ (REP 1987: 15). Crime always received a lot of attention in the party paper, although over time it became more and more a secondary theme, featuring in articles that dealt primarily with foreigners, asylum seekers or with (critique on) the established parties. In the 1990s the party shifted its focus to a new group, the non
intellectual interests need to be preserved’ (VB 1990: 5). As is typical for ethnic nationalists, the ethnic community is placed over the state: the state should serve the interests of the ethnic community and not the other way around (e.g. VLN 4/80). In the short run, the party wants the Flemings to become the dominant ethnic community within the Belgian state, as they compose the majority of the Belgian population. Further, an active state policy is demanded to undo the Frenchification of the Flemings that live in the areas now dominated by French speakers. In the long run
‘a mere ingine of state policy … that a belief in the immortal Gods was an invention contrived by wise and profound legislators for the general benefit of the commonwealth, in order that those whom reason could not influence, might be trained to their duty by a sense of religion’.42 Arguing against Huet’s use of classical sources to claim that Moses was the archtype of all learning, Toland pointed out that one of the Bishop of Avranches’ sources – Strabo – ‘compares Moses with Minos, Lycurgus, Zamolxis and many others of the same description, without any
far fledgling development of alternatives in the UK? How are the corporate retail chains reacting to the development of SFSCs which are based more on local and regional, rather than national and international, sets of market and regulatory arrangements? What do these competitive conditions tell us about the potential economic durability and evolution of the alternatives in the medium to long term? How significant is state policy in setting the rules for these competitive relationships? In order to attempt to understand these competitive dynamics, I begin to address
controlled the state and gain the support of the public and key opinion-forming groups in the country. Hideyo Noguchi's vaccine and serum were produced in a far more integrated, interdependent global context, where scientific data was disseminated by teams of researchers and institutions subject to state policies and by international health organisations. Noguchi's vaccine and serum never stopped being a backup tool for the
, each with a distinctive approach to the power of vulnerability. The opening part focuses on the notion of vulnerability as a battleground in queer, feminist, and anti-racist 19 Vulnerability as a political language 19 discussions. Part II examines the potential and limits of the language of vulnerability, illuminating how affect and vulnerability have turned into a politicised currency for not only addressing but also obscuring asymmetries of power. Part III focuses on complex intersections between media activism and state policies addressing so
same narratives and histories were mobilised in different ways to produce incompatible interpretations of the nation. However, as we saw in Chapter 2, the nation can be thought of as existing at different ontological sites. Hence, Slavenka Drakuliç, for example, was able to locate the nation in the personal and day-to-day MUP_Bellamy_05_Ch4 95 9/3/03, 9:29 T C 96 experiences of people and radically rewrite accounts proffered by political parties or diaspora movements that were located at the more abstract level of state
try to negotiate with Serbs. The Serbian Krajina politician Mile Dakić soon denounced the HDZ for their ‘fascist state policy and kalashnikov democracy’.64 The view that an independent Croatia was forced on the Serbs at gunpoint was widespread. A constant level of Croatian aggression against Serbs was a necessary theme in the latter’s self-representation as victims of genocide. Dismissing claims that the HDZ administration was democratically elected, Serbian sources argued that a multi-party system did not guarantee democracy. ‘Hitler,’ according to one historian
, though less than one might have expected. The SPD received 34.3 percent, the CDU 30.2 percent, and the PDS 24.4 percent. No other parties cleared the 5 percent hurdle. After the election the SPD took up negotiations with the CDU and PDS, but it was soon clear that it favored a coalition with the PDS. The PDS made certain concessions, such as agreeing to a signed statement that political forces that do not recognize the Basic Law should have no influence on state policy making and admitting that the SED (the Communist Party of the former East Germany) was responsible
. Domenech and C. Casañeda, ‘Redefining cancer during the interwar period: British Medical Officers of Health, state policy, managerialism and public health, American Journal of Public Health , 97:9 (2007), 1563–71. For an earlier development of managerial attitudes and structures in hospitals: Waddington, Charity and the London Hospitals, 1850–1898 , pp. 135–58. 85 Foucault, Discipline and Punish . 86 T. P. Porter, Trust in Numbers: The Pursuit of Objectivity in Science and Public Life (Princeton: Princeton