depicts King Salman placing money into a jihadi piggy bank, while another shows the King throwing a boomerang with the face of a jihadi away from the kingdom 226 226 Houses built on sand towards Syria. By their very nature boomerangs return to where they were thrown from, suggesting that such problems will return to Saudi Arabia in the future. State policy in the face of regional and international challenges has only served to support such perceptions. Amid a range of political, economic and ideological challenges, regimes have firmly positioned themselves within
from a warfare to a welfare state. Another is the context of international politics in Eurasia, which presently compels states to focus on relative rather than absolute gains in the calculation of state policy. A third is located in the inability to foster a collective identity encompassing the European and Eurasian states, which, in turn, will impair international cooperation and institution building. The European and Eurasian states are at different stages of evolution: the European state has lost or willingly abandoned sovereign prerogatives in the interest of
to globalisation (Reich, 1991; Department for International Development, 2000). The overwhelming image is one of a convergence of state policy, firm behaviour, and societal response around a single ‘best’ solution. Much of this analysis subordinates the politics of restructuring to the economic imperative of particular policy responses. Distinctive social institutions, understandings and practices are neglected in the process of identifying converging agendas. Amoore_Global_02_Ch1 20 6/19/02, 12:07 PM Globalisation, restructuring and flexibility 21 Policy
-ordinated with other countries; that the growth of public spending should be curbed; that the welfare state can be defended but not extended; that privatisation may be unavoidable and, when it eradicates monopolies, desirable; that equality, though still appealing as a goal, may be tempered by the need to preserve incentives and competition; that the power of international financial institutions – and above all, of financial markets – may be contained, if at all, only by international agreement and not by unilateral state policies. MUP_Torbion_06_Ch6 124 22/9/03, 1:47 pm
left-wing) terrorism, which is embedded in the official German state policy of streitbare Demokratie (militant democracy). According to the party terrorism is caused in part by the ‘general lack of legal security and community spirit’ (REP 1987: 15). Crime always received a lot of attention in the party paper, although over time it became more and more a secondary theme, featuring in articles that dealt primarily with foreigners, asylum seekers or with (critique on) the established parties. In the 1990s the party shifted its focus to a new group, the non
intellectual interests need to be preserved’ (VB 1990: 5). As is typical for ethnic nationalists, the ethnic community is placed over the state: the state should serve the interests of the ethnic community and not the other way around (e.g. VLN 4/80). In the short run, the party wants the Flemings to become the dominant ethnic community within the Belgian state, as they compose the majority of the Belgian population. Further, an active state policy is demanded to undo the Frenchification of the Flemings that live in the areas now dominated by French speakers. In the long run
‘a mere ingine of state policy … that a belief in the immortal Gods was an invention contrived by wise and profound legislators for the general benefit of the commonwealth, in order that those whom reason could not influence, might be trained to their duty by a sense of religion’.42 Arguing against Huet’s use of classical sources to claim that Moses was the archtype of all learning, Toland pointed out that one of the Bishop of Avranches’ sources – Strabo – ‘compares Moses with Minos, Lycurgus, Zamolxis and many others of the same description, without any
far fledgling development of alternatives in the UK? How are the corporate retail chains reacting to the development of SFSCs which are based more on local and regional, rather than national and international, sets of market and regulatory arrangements? What do these competitive conditions tell us about the potential economic durability and evolution of the alternatives in the medium to long term? How significant is state policy in setting the rules for these competitive relationships? In order to attempt to understand these competitive dynamics, I begin to address
controlled the state and gain the support of the public and key opinion-forming groups in the country. Hideyo Noguchi's vaccine and serum were produced in a far more integrated, interdependent global context, where scientific data was disseminated by teams of researchers and institutions subject to state policies and by international health organisations. Noguchi's vaccine and serum never stopped being a backup tool for the
, each with a distinctive approach to the power of vulnerability. The opening part focuses on the notion of vulnerability as a battleground in queer, feminist, and anti-racist 19 Vulnerability as a political language 19 discussions. Part II examines the potential and limits of the language of vulnerability, illuminating how affect and vulnerability have turned into a politicised currency for not only addressing but also obscuring asymmetries of power. Part III focuses on complex intersections between media activism and state policies addressing so