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The management of migration between care and control

. 54 Mbembe, ‘Necropolitics’. 55 Before the EU governments, on July 2013 Australian customs and border protection launched a series of advertisements to educate and inform asylum-seekers, including unaccompanied minors, in source countries about the futility of investing in people smugglers, the perils

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
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poisoning of children with contaminated diphtheria toxoid in Bundaberg, Australia, and contaminated BCG in Lübeck, Germany. 8 While the national government stayed clear of providing the toxoid or centrally funded advertising to promote immunisation, local authorities had been permitted to use it before the war. However, they had to pay for supplies and manpower themselves. 9 Thus, it was embraced with varying levels of enthusiasm and administered with varying levels of competence, resulting in very uneven coverage. 10 The war provided an impetus

in Vaccinating Britain
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the Ministry of Health. The 1950s Two examples of importation in the 1950s showed that vaccination was seen mainly as a barrier against foreign infection. Since smallpox was a foreign contagion brought in by travellers to or residents of infected areas, the government and the public showed more concern about the vaccination of at-risk groups, rather than massively expanding routine childhood vaccination. The first example is of a case of smallpox on board the SS Mooltan , which arrived in the Port of London from Australia in April 1949. Citizens, politicians

in Vaccinating Britain
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Colonial subjects and the appeal for imperial justice

from end to end, and also extend to Australia and England. 62 Despite his seeming lack of disillusionment, Tawhiao faced a Britain that valued him as an exhibition of exoticness, or savagery – of the local flavour expected of the imperial metropole – not for the political message of loyalism and injustice that he brought. Those imperial

in Royal tourists, colonial subjects and the making of a British world, 1860–1911
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Saving the White voters from being ‘utterly swamped’

a European language of the immigration officer’s choice. At the Colonial Conference of 1897 Chamberlain commended this Act to all the other self-governing colonies as the right way of restricting Coloured immigration without making it obvious that this was what was being done. The other South African colonies adopted the Act, as did the Australian colonies, which made it the basis of the ‘White

in Equal subjects, unequal rights
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Ben Okri, Chenjerai Hove, Dambudzo Marechera

exile, they use the critical distance of narrative to denaturalise or ‘de-doxify’ the neocolonial system of truth (where ‘doxa’ represents received public opinion).20 In this regard the practice of the African and South Asian writers discussed in this book departs interestingly from that of contemporary novelists in, for example, postcolonial Australia. As in Peter Carey’s Illywhacker (1985) or Murray Bail’s Eucalyptus (1998), national signifiers, no matter how self-reflexive and postmodernly arch, are deployed in sizeable numbers not merely to signify but effectively to

in Stories of women
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white privilege had allowed many of the planter and merchant classes to play for and captain the West Indies team in preference over talented, darker skinned players. When, in 1960, black Barbadian Frank Worrell was chosen to captain the West Indies side on a tour to Australia, it became clear that the challenge to British authority and white racial supremacy within the game and within the nation(s) were parallel (Malcolm, 2013

in Sport in the Black Atlantic
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white and black teams against each other, naming them The West (England and Australia) and The Rest. The Mavericks, a group of Antiguan-, Barbadian-, Grenadian, Guyanese-, Jamaican- and Trinidadian-Canadians joined Trinidadian and Jamaican nationals to celebrate unity and pride in black masculine sporting prowess, exerting a unified black identity despite their varied Caribbean origins and current

in Sport in the Black Atlantic
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A war of extermination, grave looting, and culture wars in the American West

and defeated Native communities on the west coast were unable to protect their ancient village sites. Unauthorized exhumation was not an exclusively American phenomenon. In the 1830s, British scientists brought back Tasmanian Aborigine corpses to London. Hundreds, possibly thousands of Aboriginal remains from Australia ended up in universities and collections in England and Scotland.25 Dutch colonists sent the head of an Ahanta king in Ghana back to the Netherlands in 1838, where it was kept at Leiden University’s Medical Centre until repatriation in 2009.26 By the

in Human remains and identification

, 1999 ). Houlihan ( 1999 ) argues that, although doping policy began to be introduced in the 1960s, it was uneven across nations and sports. He describes how national governments varied in their wish to control doping. Some were highly motivated, such as France and Belgium, who passed legislation in 1965, while others, such as Australia and Canada, were inactive and apathetic about the issue. Some nations, such as Great Britain, only offered inducements to athletes to refrain from doping rather than carrying out

in Sport and technology