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Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

, ‘undesirable’ racial groups and whole social classes were subject to stereotyping, oppression, incarceration and extermination in line with ideological considerations. Common also to both fascist and communist movements was the hatred and contempt for liberal values and parliamentary democracy, which supposedly betrayed the nation or the class. The consequences for the international balance of power were very

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Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

principle of equality once was and how deeply held were beliefs in a natural hierarchy and human inequality. Liberalism stakes a claim for the fundamental equality of rights possessed by all humans as a birthright. But it was socialism, in its many forms, that positioned equality at the heart of its ideology and its programme for social change. Both movements linked equality with democracy. Unequal societies were declared to be

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Steven Fielding and Declan McHugh

prevented Labour becoming dogmatic – unlike other continental left-wing parties which did not enjoy such close links with their indigenous labour movements. Moreover, the constitution enabled social democrats to lead the unions in directions they might not otherwise have taken. In 1955 Bill Rodgers, who would later help found the SDP, conceded that union dominance of the Labour Party Conference was sometimes ‘undesirable’. ‘The important thing’, however, was ‘to keep the trade unions in politics and on the side of Labour . . . [Trade union leaders] want to be liked: they

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Jamie Heckert

starting point for any form of political movement. It is true that ‘there can be no politics without some sense of identity because it is through a wider identification (with a party, a movement, a specific goal) that political practice is made possible’ (Weeks, 1995a: 101). However, as Weeks notes, identities develop from social movements rather than the other way around. Thus it is possible to roughly differentiate between social movements that imagine a pre-existing identity (identity politics) and those that do not. Although I am focusing specifically on the politics

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Kinneret Lahad

interactions such as this. Precisely because these matters are rarely problematized, they warrant closer attention. In this chapter, I explore this transition as a social construct, and explore the various ways by which the status is produced and maintained through situated social norms and regulated temporal codes. To expand this analysis, I draw on sociological and anthropological studies, as well as considering my findings in relation to symbolic interaction traditions. This chapter expands the analysis of the expected linear life-course trajectory as discussed in the

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Budd L. Hall

participatory research leader, past Chair of Oxfam UK, and Director of Canada’s Coady International Institute, was the first person in our experience to speak of social movements using a ‘knowledge strategy’ as their core political organizing strategy (Gaventa and Cornwall, 2008, p. 90). Early work at Highlander Research and Education Centre in the US Appalachian Mountains involved the support of citizen researchers going to local courthouses to search the ownership of local coal mines. Absentee landlords owned all mines in question, from New York to London. And while profits

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Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

, material and symbolic privileges, and intersecting forms of power on individuals and groups, the tendency has been to theorise resistance in abstract macro-terms. This adds to a division in IR more generally between resistance as something public and organised, where resistance is reflected in the aims of social movements and collective transformations, as opposed to being embodied in the individuals who resist oppression on their own terms. Very few scholars have been able to link these two as sides of the same coin (Bleiker 2000; Marchand 2000; Mittelman and Chin 2000

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Economic democracy instead of more capitalism

Core historical concepts reconsidered

Adrian Zimmermann

–4). However, the government reacted to pressures from the financial markets with a sharp swing to the right in 1983. This volte-face marked the end of this conjuncture of industrial democracy not only in France but in the whole of Europe.5 A major problem of the industrial democracy debate in this period was that the renewed self-confidence of trade unions and their commitment M1738 - CALLAGHAN TEXT.indd 276 3/8/09 12:13:45 Economic democracy 277 to industrial democracy remained virtually isolated from the upsurge of utopian experiments in the new social movements. For

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Raymond Hinnebusch

, indeed, be happening for identities are plastic and that which triumphs in a state is the ‘constructed’ product of contestation by rival leaders and movements. State-builders who command the instruments of socialisation – mass media, mass education – enjoy a decisive advantage in promoting a certain identity among the rising generation. However, it is by no means the case that all identities have equal chances of success; rather, the pre-existence of linguistic unity, facilitating social communication between elites and masses of a particular group (while obstructing

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Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

societies are matriarchal (‘ruled by women’) in neither their social structures nor their theology. Nevertheless, Judaism, Christianity and Islam are particularly singled out for opprobrium by feminists as being religions that place women in a role subordinate to men in both theology and society. Patriarchy is thus a social construct, not a natural condition. Women’s movements therefore seek liberation from