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Reading SimCity

other forms of text emphasise a lack of closure and celebrate narrative uncertainty, SimCity appears to offer access to a plurality of choice and individual experience within the mass product of consumer capitalism. As the use of the term ‘god-game’ to describe such game-fictions implies, there is something about such management games that can be seen as empowering and liberating – we are not the passive consumer of this product of mass popular culture, we are allowed the illusion of not only ‘human’ but ‘godly’ agency. chap5.p65 115 13/02/03, 14:23 116 More than

in More than a game
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Working memory

-capitalist vision returns in 1980s New Left ecological thought.33 Though the 1910s guild socialists and 1980s eco-socialists paint differing portraits of postindustrial society, they share one frame: a leftist rejection of industrial, capitalist modernity. Postindustrial society is perhaps better known not as modern capitalism’s antithesis but as its logical progression, its next evolutionary phase. Daniel Bell depicts it as such in The Coming of Post-Industrial Society (1973). Postindustrial society here is characterized by greater emphasis on services, information, and

in Street theatre and the production of postindustrial space
From starving children to satirical saviours

analysing their YouTube Videos, Facebook updates or Tweets); instead the success was measured by the number of actions taken as an indication of public engagement. Jodi Dean defines a post-political formation of ‘communicative capitalism’ where the ‘only thing that is relevant is circulation’. 47 The request by the Enough Food IF campaign for supporters to produce and circulate communications contributes

in Global humanitarianism and media culture

. On the question of consumer action, we can see an intersection in debates in the scholarships around online activism and global humanitarianism. While it is true that global capitalism makes possible material connections between consumers, and while we can be informed of these connections more quickly and easily through digital networks, these connections do not fully explain why we respond to some

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
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say that fascism was essentially non-materialistic? How useful is it to distinguish Italian Fascism from German Nazism? Was fascism as hostile to international capitalism as it was to Bolshevism? Why did fascism have such little impact on Britain compared with its effect on continental European countries? Is fascism a realistic threat to modern democracies? We have created our myth. The myth is a

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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published in 1956, revisionism traced its immediate origins back to Evan Durbin’s The Politics of Democratic Socialism (1940), which was written in the late 1930s, when Britain still experienced mass unemployment. Crosland gave this perspective a more contemporary gloss – although even his thinking was clarified during post-war austerity. In 1950 he had claimed that capitalism was evolving into a new economic configuration, one that mitigated the worst excesses of the unbridled free market.16 While not socialism, this new order produced ineluctable growth and attenuated

in The Labour Governments 1964–70 volume 1
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The Nairn–Anderson interpretation

, however, address the wider context within which Nairn located his account – the ‘Nairn–Anderson theses’ which, in the latter’s words, drew up ‘a general map of English class society’ and constructed a ‘framework for understanding the national crisis of British capitalism’ (1992d: 2). That is something more completely covered in chapter 3, by Madeleine Davis. I first outline the central features of Nairn’s argument, leaning heavily on his original two-part article and assessing where it fits with the work not only of his collaborator Anderson but that of other leading

in Interpreting the Labour Party
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Ontologies of connection, reconstruction of memory

133 Pacific imaginaries 133 capitalism, established cultural habits of exchange could find a place in the trading circuits set up by the colonial empires. Finally, the reconstruction of memory in the Pacific’s ocean civilisation revives the values of the past in a project of renewed connection. The chapter ends with a section on Australia’s ambivalent cultures which have emerged from the British-Australian project of colonizing the lands and worlds of old world indigenous civilisations. Australia, in particular, is in the Pacific, but also out of place in the

in Debating civilisations
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followers, is not possible under capitalism. The highly exploitative capitalist system reduces both the working class and their capitalist exploiters to a level of servitude to the system. Those who control the means of production may have somewhat greater freedom than those who merely sell their labour to scrape a living, but bourgeoisie and proletariat alike possess a freedom reduced to mere work and consumption. Some modern

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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Europe’s ‘zero hour’

among leaders and rulers – paramount among them the foolhardy bellicosity of the German Kaiser Wilhelm II – was all that was needed to provoke war in 1914. It was a European, and worldwide, conflict that was effectively to last for thirty years, albeit with a hiatus from 1919 to 1939. The inter-war period, with its heavy war reparations exacted especially on Germany, was characterised by a retreat from the much more benign climate for trade, investment abroad and freedom of travel that had characterised a pre-World War I era of ‘Victorian capitalism’ and stable

in Destination Europe