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Security/ Mobility and politics of movement

distribution’. Consider, for instance, the practices at border checkpoints and airports: depending on factors such as citizenship, job status, travel history, membership of a frequent flyer club, or even a trusted traveller status that usually includes some form of security clearance, people will be treated in ways that are highly contingent on imaginaries of threat. As Robert Pallitto and Josiah Heyman ( 2008 : 319) observe, ‘security technologies

in Security/ Mobility

citizenship and discourse. However, a state like France was too big to appeal to the sorts of strong solidarity that existed in medieval city-states, where it was likely that everyone knew each other. The looser phenomenon of national consciousness provided an appropriate story around which solidarity could be built. Quite literally, the state was deemed to be the national project. It belonged to everyone, because everyone was

in Political concepts

Tuœman’s political integrity. Three additional Franjoist themes informed some of the government’s key policies and shaped its conception of national identity. Each depended on a particular understanding of Croatian national identity and drew upon a particular interpretation of the historical statehood narrative. These were the focus on the primacy of Croatian sovereignty and independence, an exclusivist approach to citizenship, and the promotion of conservative clericalism. Protecting the sovereignty and independence of Croatia was the one issue that united the

in The formation of Croatian national identity

in the common life of a community in which they do not wish to have the entitlement to define and in this way change the dynamic away from tolerant inclusion to the differentiation of citizenship. How might such differentiation enter into a just regime of toleration? I argued earlier that the Amish and indigenous groups do not enter into a close cooperative relationship with the larger tolerating community and thus accept being democratically unequal in influence over some decisions, in exchange for the maximum degree of non-interference possible. It is important

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
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‘Australia for the White Man’

to this country, and they certainly cannot be induced to add to their own material gain and to the material gain of the country if they are to be deprived . . . of the rights of citizenship, and are to be placed on the same level as the Chinaman or the wandering aboriginal. 23 Defending the property qualification

in Equal subjects, unequal rights
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continuing one. Domestically, the hundred years after the Civil War (1861–65) were characterized by a gradual abandonment of narrow assimilationism and the enactment – in the 1960s – of legislation, prompted by the civil rights movement (Morris 1984), to uphold the rights of citizenship of all Americans. Addressing the legacies of pre-1960s discrimination and racism (Fields 1990; Jordan 1968; Kelley 1994) proved a platform for a multiculturalist reformulation of American national identity, or in David Hollinger’s phrase a ‘post-ethnic politics’ (Hollinger 1995). The

in Democratization through the looking-glass

citizenship and also to the approach taken here, and considers what is in this case the essentially political nature of ‘social and economic’ rights. The pattern of difference and similarity among the three case studies at best allows the studies to talk to each other, clarifying some points and opening up ambiguities in others. Despite the range of difference among the cases, it is important to note that they certainly do not cross the whole gamut of forms of abuse. Even across the range of three case studies, key aspects of the argument

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
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of people’s aspirations for non-violence or justice or compassion in the face of the experience of violence, exploitation or marginalisation, as well as on the historically hegemonic power of modern liberal democracies to back this claim. This category of the universal, however, is less an expression of the natural shape of things than part of the conceptual construction of the state and of specific models of citizenship. Within classical liberalism the rights of universal man are rights within a state just as the trope of universal man emerged as an imagined

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
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democracy and citizenship away from those of Britain and towards those of North America. For many Canadians, the British Commonwealth itself is no longer important. Canadian identity is now located in Canadian space, with conquest, progress, modernization and the assimilation of all difference no longer considered unquestioned objectives. ‘White settler society’ now appears to be a limited descriptor, one

in Female imperialism and national identity
New polity dynamics

democracy, citizenship, rights (and duties) are now an integral part of the Union’s agenda. Although a managerial-type reform has largely prevailed since the prolonged course of the IGC 1996/97 and the even more arduous IGC 2000, there is still hope that a more ‘democentric’ process of union will come about and, with it, a European public sphere founded upon a deliberative politics. This Debating the future of Europe 197 is the task of a newly-instituted ‘Convention on the Future of Europe’,1 following the December 2001 Laeken Declaration and, before that, the

in Theory and reform in the European Union