debate back to the future of his party. Kahane did not spare the members of the Committee and, for the most part, candidly displayed for them the principles of his political doctrine. First, he declared that if elected to the Knesset, he would act quickly to pass a law the goal of which would be to deprive the Arabs of their Israeli citizenship and then embark upon the immediate expulsion of those who would resist giving up their citizenship, all of this in order to preserve the Jewish character of the State. 30 Second, with regard to the accusations made against his
composer and patron of the
theater. He had recently reconverted to Calvinism, however, and
reclaimed his Genevan citizenship. Determined to oppose
Voltaire’s suggestion that theater represented cultural and
political progress, he wrote a public letter to his editor and
friend. It was published in 1758 as Lettre à M.
d’Alembert sur les spectacles ( Letter to M
considerable differences between
what he called the ‘liberty of the ancients’ and the
‘liberty of the moderns’. The liberty of the ancients rested
upon slavery and warfare, and was restricted to citizenship and taking part
in the deliberations of the assembly. Constant claimed that this form of
liberty did not guarantee the rights of the individual. Indeed, ancient
liberty was essentially a form of privilege of the free man over the
equality’ as they involve some degree of equalising wealth and power
in society. The egalitarian principle, however, is relevant here and is
quite straightforward. All citizens pay taxes to support health,
educational and welfare systems provided by the state. All citizens,
therefore, whatever their personal wealth, have an equal right to a range of
benefits constituting a ‘citizenship package’. This package
it could gain.
The 2001 general election
Secondly, the party could adopt populist authoritarianism on cultural and
citizenship issues such as the family, crime and asylum seekers. The danger
here would be to divide the party once more on issues that are of limited
Thirdly, social libertarianism could be adopted in order to move to the
left on cultural and citizenship issues akin to the position of Michael Portillo
in his 2001 leadership campaign. The Conservative Party would become more
liberal but such policies would only appeal to
Labour, the people and the ‘new political history’
) ‘Labour and the constitution’, in Tanner, D., Thane, P. and Tiratsoo, N.
(eds) Labour’s First Century, Cambridge
Thorpe, A. (1997) A History of the British Labour Party
Tiratsoo, N. (1998) ‘New vistas: the Labour Party, citizenship and the built environment in
the 1940s’, in Weight, R. and Beach, A. (eds) The Right to Belong: Citizenship and National
Identity in Britain, 1930–60
Tiratsoo, N. (2000) ‘Labour and the electorate’, in Tanner, D., Thane, P. and Tiratsoo, N.
(eds) Labour’s First Century, Cambridge
Tressell, R. (1991) The Ragged Trousered Philanthropists
demands of various groups of women. The interest in citizenship was also prompted by the shift in women’s movements, in the 1980s, from the earlier insistence upon direct
MECHANISMS FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF WOMEN 21
participation to a recognition of the importance of representative politics and the consequences of women’s exclusion
from it (Lovenduski and Norris, 1993; McBride Stetson and
Mazur, 1995; Rai, 2000). It is here that politics — public
and private, practical and strategic — begins to formalize
within the contours of the state.
Second, in the 1970s
1986. But the Maastricht Treaty was first voted down by a narrow majority of 50.7 per cent on 2 June 1992. By the time it was accepted in a
second referendum on 18 May 1993 by 56.7 per cent of the electorate,
Denmark had secured four exemptions or reservations at the Edinburgh
summit in December 1992.1 One of these dealt with EMU, where
Denmark decided not to take part in the third phase.
The three other reservations dealt with citizenship of the Union, JHA
co-operation and defence policy. Denmark would not join the Western
European Union (WEU) and would take
provide us with a strong indication
of how ecologies of knowledge might function. The achievement of post-abyssal
thinking will depend, according to de Sousa Santos, on the achievement of a
radical co-presence of all knowledges with an understanding of the incompleteness of knowledge.
A knowledge democracy movement?
Building on de Sousa Santos’s radical recognition of ecologies of knowledge, we
turn towards thinking about the use of knowledge in a strategic, organizational,
intentional and active way. John Gaventa, a theoretician on power and citizenship, a pioneering
conception of liberty formulated by social liberals and
social democrats, with the emphasis on possessing the ability to do things.
The third social democratic principle rejected by Hayek was that of
equality. Again, Plant and others sought to defend the idea of equality, as
without it the conception of poverty was meaningless. Poverty had to be
seen as a relative condition, as it only made sense to determine if someone
was in poverty if they were living below the level of income that meant they
were unable to exercise the accepted ideas of citizenship in a given society