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Defining the nation differently

reserve or relative conservatism is corroborated: there is no significant disruption of conventional heterosexual identity-formation. Pipee insists all too soon on becoming the dominant partner, so repeating the power differential between Astha and her husband and precipitating the breakdown in their affair (MW 233, 234). Astha never uses the words lesbian or woman-loving of herself. She is not given to looking into her sexuality to that extent. She also avoids any allusion to adultery and finds the prospect of leaving her family to set up with Pipee unthinkable (MW 232

in Stories of women
Crossing the (English) language barrier

dressed up as ‘poet’s talking’. A third was market conservatism. I found his answer – that he had seen unsuccessful efforts to render that speech into print – somewhat evasive. If you look at the couple of instances where Derry speech is invoked in Reading in the Dark it is in the kind of comiccut way that Scottish writers like James Kelman have argued against, wearing the clothes-pegs of dialogue rather than being integrated into the narrative. Accent is almost always apostrophised in contemporary Irish poetry, trapped in a speech bubble, denied the oxygen of publicity

in Across the margins

relation to the state. It acts as defender or abuser of human rights. It creates national identity. It is the prime structure by which political power is manipulated in a society. Conservatism, liberalism, socialism, fascism and ecologism, as models, analyse power in relation to the state. As political parties they seek state power, to use it to implement political, social and cultural programmes. If unable to achieve control of the

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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. Conservatism (a political stance not usually associated with equality) claims ‘equality of opportunity’ as a desirable goal of social policy. Conservatives advocate a ‘levelling up’ rather than a ‘levelling down’ (as they accuse their leftist opponents of wanting), if for no other reason than claiming to be interested in ‘equality’ to attract votes. However, they would be opposed to the rise in taxes needed to give all schoolchildren

in Understanding political ideas and movements

confidence are introduced . . . Agriculture, arts, and commerce are advanced’, trumpeted Mr R. Henry in a sermon to the SPCK in 1773.45 But, like those who confidently announced the end of superstition, his claims were premature. In fact from a judicial perspective at least, the state, rather like the Kirk, 94 Beyond the witch trials had been progressively losing interest in witches from the beginning of the century. To be sure, the offence continued to appear in legal textbooks of the period, but that may be ascribed to the innate conservatism of lawyers and their

in Beyond the witch trials
Jürgen Habermas and the European left

: Political Essays , ed. Max Pensky (Cambridge: Polity, 2001), 64. For further discussion of the normative ambiguity of the nation state, see Daniel Chernilo, A Social Theory of the Nation State: The Political Forms of Modernity Beyond Methodological Nationalism (London: Routledge, 2007), esp. 156. 16 Jürgen Habermas, The New Conservatism: Cultural Criticism and the Historians Debate , ed. Shierry Weber

in Antisemitism and the left
Harold Moody and the League of Coloured Peoples

LCP was carried forward on that surge of anti-colonial reaction following the Italian invasion of Ethiopia, and by the early 1940s it had adopted a more outspokenly radical programme for Britain’s future race relations as well as for the colonial empire. But Moody’s innate caution and conservatism meant that the LCP was left behind by the rapid pace of political change which led to the Manchester

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain
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other political force: blacks themselves needed to create their own autonomous organisations, free to operate as they saw fit. This shift in Padmore’s thinking caused a more respectful position on Marcus Garvey to evolve – though both he and James were vociferous in condemning Garvey’s conservatism during the outbreak of strikes and riots in the Caribbean in 1937 and 1938. 13 More importantly it took Padmore

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain
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What lovers want

practice married among themselves.8 However, such flexibility was never without its tensions, as the rise of the ambitious encountered the inherent conservatism of a class where rank and wealth were based on birth. Degrevant reveals the potential for conflict in a shifting social landscape. Underlying the reconciliation with which the romance ends is a deployment of the trappings of chivalry to endorse aggression and violence as the normative way to achieve a social harmony identified with the privileges and property rights of great householders, both male and female. In

in Pulp fictions of medieval England
Sarah Orne Jewett, The Tory Lover, and Walter Scott, Waverley

revolution leads only to anarchy and military rule).28 While some of his nineteenth-century readers might be drawn to what they thought of as Scott’s via media, finding its combination of progress and conservatism appealing, Jewett’s novel insists on the issue of ‘rights’ (paradoxically rights learnt, across the Atlantic, from Britain) and hence the unavoidable break with established authority to secure these. The novel 148 Alison Easton plays self-consciously several times with the image of the conflict simply as a family quarrel, and each time the metaphor is rethought

in Special relationships