awareness of the individual’s uniqueness, which had eluded his colleagues. It is still not customary to criticise progress. Conservatism is not a positive adjective in the early stages of the twenty-first century – nor was it in the middle of the eighteenth. Voltaire scornfully rebuked Rousseau’s opposition to science and progress in Discourse sur l’inégalité, branding it Rousseau’s ‘second book against the human race’ (Gray 1998: 38).2 Yet, even in popular culture there have occasionally been criticisms of the unintended consequences of the evolution of technologies that

in The political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau

political earthquake. However, while it may in general be true that governments which introduce radical legal change far in advance of the degree of social progress reached by a nation take the risk of generating a political backlash, this is not to say that they have no room for manoeuvre. In the Algerian case the political elites made the costly mistake of formulating an official discourse and policy that reinforced, rather than helping to contain or alter, the most negative features of Arabo-Islamic conservatism, patriarchy and misogyny. In doing so they set Algerian

in Burning the veil
Open Access (free)

introduced, and the quest for consensus be abandoned if, given the loquacity and conservatism of academics, it took too long to achieve. Management, once designed to be the least obtrusive of university activities, now promised to become the queen of sciences. Pilloried as inefficient, regarded as (in the new Vice-Chancellor’s words) ‘hopelessly starry-eyed and unmaterialistic’, universities were mentioned with near contempt in the Government’s Green Paper of 1985. They were unfavourably compared with the polytechnics, which provided vocational training and helped the

in A history of the University of Manchester 1973–90
Open Access (free)
Defining the nation differently

reserve or relative conservatism is corroborated: there is no significant disruption of conventional heterosexual identity-formation. Pipee insists all too soon on becoming the dominant partner, so repeating the power differential between Astha and her husband and precipitating the breakdown in their affair (MW 233, 234). Astha never uses the words lesbian or woman-loving of herself. She is not given to looking into her sexuality to that extent. She also avoids any allusion to adultery and finds the prospect of leaving her family to set up with Pipee unthinkable (MW 232

in Stories of women
Crossing the (English) language barrier

dressed up as ‘poet’s talking’. A third was market conservatism. I found his answer – that he had seen unsuccessful efforts to render that speech into print – somewhat evasive. If you look at the couple of instances where Derry speech is invoked in Reading in the Dark it is in the kind of comiccut way that Scottish writers like James Kelman have argued against, wearing the clothes-pegs of dialogue rather than being integrated into the narrative. Accent is almost always apostrophised in contemporary Irish poetry, trapped in a speech bubble, denied the oxygen of publicity

in Across the margins

relation to the state. It acts as defender or abuser of human rights. It creates national identity. It is the prime structure by which political power is manipulated in a society. Conservatism, liberalism, socialism, fascism and ecologism, as models, analyse power in relation to the state. As political parties they seek state power, to use it to implement political, social and cultural programmes. If unable to achieve control of the

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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. Conservatism (a political stance not usually associated with equality) claims ‘equality of opportunity’ as a desirable goal of social policy. Conservatives advocate a ‘levelling up’ rather than a ‘levelling down’ (as they accuse their leftist opponents of wanting), if for no other reason than claiming to be interested in ‘equality’ to attract votes. However, they would be opposed to the rise in taxes needed to give all schoolchildren

in Understanding political ideas and movements

confidence are introduced . . . Agriculture, arts, and commerce are advanced’, trumpeted Mr R. Henry in a sermon to the SPCK in 1773.45 But, like those who confidently announced the end of superstition, his claims were premature. In fact from a judicial perspective at least, the state, rather like the Kirk, 94 Beyond the witch trials had been progressively losing interest in witches from the beginning of the century. To be sure, the offence continued to appear in legal textbooks of the period, but that may be ascribed to the innate conservatism of lawyers and their

in Beyond the witch trials
Jürgen Habermas and the European left

: Political Essays , ed. Max Pensky (Cambridge: Polity, 2001), 64. For further discussion of the normative ambiguity of the nation state, see Daniel Chernilo, A Social Theory of the Nation State: The Political Forms of Modernity Beyond Methodological Nationalism (London: Routledge, 2007), esp. 156. 16 Jürgen Habermas, The New Conservatism: Cultural Criticism and the Historians Debate , ed. Shierry Weber

in Antisemitism and the left
Harold Moody and the League of Coloured Peoples

LCP was carried forward on that surge of anti-colonial reaction following the Italian invasion of Ethiopia, and by the early 1940s it had adopted a more outspokenly radical programme for Britain’s future race relations as well as for the colonial empire. But Moody’s innate caution and conservatism meant that the LCP was left behind by the rapid pace of political change which led to the Manchester

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain