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A pluralist theory of citizenship

democratic inclusion. Some theorists argue that the only democratically legitimate demos is a global one (Goodin 2007 ); others suggest that the demos ought to change depending on who will be affected by a particular decision (Shapiro 2000 ); still others regard democratic inclusion principles as norms that allow us to contest exclusion while not necessarily providing positive guidelines on how to construct alternative

in Democratic inclusion
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made an electoral pact with the NPD leadership, despite fierce internal opposition within the latter party (Sippel 1989). It was agreed that only one of the two parties would stand in each election. For example, the DVU would contest the 1989 European election, whereas the NPD would contest the parliamentary election a year later. They further agreed that the party that contested the election would put candidates of the other party on its list. Everything considered the agreement was primarily an alliance of two weak parties against a stronger third party (the REP

in The ideology of the extreme right
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Tracing relatedness and diversity in the Albanian–Montenegrin borderland

contested – by more pronounced linearity due to the post-imperial rise of the nation-state in the Balkans and the emergence of contested national borders, the year 1948 represents a crucial rupture in the history of the Albanian–Montenegrin borderland. From 1948 onwards Enver Hoxha’s totalitarian and isolationist regime transformed Albanian borders into almost impermeable ‘death zones’. ‘Even the birds were afraid to fly over the border’ was a phrase I often heard during my fieldwork in Albania, which clearly expressed the collective trauma of a life marked by repression

in Migrating borders and moving times
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The 1970 general election

gave Labour a lead for the first time in years; the party’s by-election performances became less grim; and it made a satisfactory showing in the local elections. Most economic indicators were also positive: in particular, the balance of trade remained in the black. As is common with Prime Ministers, Wilson implicated leading party figures in his decision, just in case anything went wrong. Few expected it would. When Wilson went to ask the Queen to dissolve parliament, the vast majority of the Parliamentary Labour Party was keen for a June contest. Tony Benn was not

in The Labour Governments 1964–70 volume 1

the pragmatism of Hague’s position, the Conservatives took significant steps in a Euro-sceptic direction. The term ‘Euro-scepticism’ is The Conservatives and Europe, 1997–2001 147 conceptually loose and contested. In their work on Euro-sceptic parties, Taggart and Szczerbiak distinguish between a ‘hard Euro-scepticism’ of principled opposition to EU or to the integration project as currently conceived and a ‘soft Euro-scepticism’ that supports membership but opposes further economic and political union.1 The post-1997 Conservative Party is situated somewhere

in The Conservatives in Crisis

chapter is that characterisations of ‘new economy’ that are based on the idea of dematerialisation are problematic because the distinction on which they are based misrepresents the issue of materiality. A historical account of socio-economic change which argues that ‘things’ have become ‘less material’ assumes that they were somehow more, or more transparently, material in the past, an argument that is contested by most research in areas such as sociology of consumption, material culture and science and technology studies. Indeed, as the next section argues, notions of

in Market relations and the competitive process
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in secular state schools. The incident quickly sparked a hotly contested national debate about the principle of religious neutrality in republican schools. A decade later, everything, it seems, has been said about the ‘headscarves affair’, and the way in which, in quite an exemplary fashion, it crystallised latent national anxieties. These concerned, notably, the contested status of public education in a fragmented society, the problematic legitimacy of traditional norms of authority and social integration, the protracted liquidation of the colonial heritage, fears

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
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Why anarchism still matters

touchstone to explore matters that are becoming increasingly central to anarchist theory and practice. We live in an era where the politics of information are formulated and contested in a myriad of real and virtual locations and media, and where ascertaining influence, apportioning blame, conceptualising and co-ordinating strategy has become an almost impossible business. Who knows what the impacts and influence of Paddick’s remarks have been on the wider milieu? The resurgence of interest in anarchism, which has been steadily percolating through often quite different

in Changing anarchism
Simone de Beauvoir and a Global Theory of Feminist Recognition

light of this problem, this chapter defends a different route to feminist cosmopolitan recognition, which focuses on the diverse, often hidden and unarticulated experiences of social suffering in the earlier existentialist feminism of Simone de Beauvoir ( 1948, 1972, 1968 ). Contesting charges that Beauvoir's thought fails to respond adequately to contemporary feminist concerns, I suggest that a close re

in Recognition and Global Politics
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’Donnell (1996) and Schedler (1998), is to regard consolidation as longevity. A consolidated democracy is a democracy that does not break down. However, the notion is otherwise tautologous unless it implies that longevity is itself a factor that sustains democracy. The problem with the longevity argument is that it has not worked well in the region. We have already noted that Colombia and Venezuela, counties that have held contested elections for many years, have very problematic democracies. Moreover, during the 1970s authoritarian governments took power in some countries

in Democratization through the looking-glass