The Conservative challenge

values is to approach it from the public’s point of view. What do they want from a political party? In varying degrees, the public want three things: opportunity, security and hope in the future. We have to show how our values will offer these directly. Conservatism is an organic political philosophy; it grows and changes. It has appeared in the recent past to be dominated by economic liberalism. That is not enough. We are also a party of social progress; of recognition of our responsibilities to others. We are the party of the British constitution, favouring pragmatic

in The Conservatives in Crisis
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Labour – for example, Henry Pelling – have at one time or another been party members who identified with one or other of its ideological factions. A number have belonged to groupings, usually, like Perry Anderson and Tom Nairn, to Labour’s Left, which have hoped to replace the party in the affections of the working class. More than a few of them – like Ralph Miliband and David Marquand – have been, at different periods in their lives, on both sides of the fence. Those writing from such committed positions have sometimes conceived of the party in teleological terms

in Interpreting the Labour Party

member of the public, you will have your own health experiences and a unique viewpoint on the direction that this research could take. We have integrated research methods training with personal stories and reflections from our PPI representatives throughout this book, and hope this has provided a useful resource. A Research Handbook for Patient and Public Involvement Researchers Summary As our stories have shown, there are many different roles and avenues through which members of the public can contribute to research. This means that different levels of involvement

in A research handbook for patient and public involvement researchers

vegetables.33 However, these remain the exceptions that prove the rule. The occupied population did not engage in Werner Rings’ ‘Resistance Enchained’: ‘the desperate fight of those who were cut off, without help, and with practically no hope of surviving’.34 Occupied civilians were cut off, but there was hope for survival; they were receiving help, directly from the neutral aid organisations, and indirectly from the Allies’ armed struggle against the Central Powers. As Horne and Kramer note, widespread civilian resistance usually occurs with the defeat of conventional

in The experience of occupation in the Nord, 1914– 18
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students to grass-roots co-creation of knowledge experiences. Clearly, a knowledge democracy movement must have at its heart two groups of persons: community activists and leaders (including those from the social movements), and students. Students in the universities that we have studied have been eager to make a difference in the world. In an environment filled with too much disappointment and fear, students, like all of us, are attracted to hope. The examples from the science shops in Europe, of students working on community environmental projects, and the work with

in Knowledge, democracy and action

perk – were nearly always a disappointment, shorter, older, less pretty and certainly less friendly than one had imagined or perhaps hoped. But what did we hope for? To them we were all church mice, dull outsiders they had to be polite to, just in case. Of the many actors I met in those days only three stand out in my memory as real people rather than well-drilled automata: John Cassavetes, Sophia Loren and Tom

in British cinema of the 1950s
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begins to disintegrate when he is not in the actual presence of Knott, who acts for him as a wished for mothercontainer. We can look at Beckett’s work in this way: as an exploration of the very early internal experience of disconnection from this primary object, which is fundamental in creating an enduring sense of self. In trying to examine the internal experiences of such disconnection, I highlight certain imagery, symbols and other manifestations in the text. Of course, these are selective, but I hope they are not exclusionary. For example, in Chapter 2, there is an

in Samuel Beckett and the primacy of love
The paradoxes of sustainability and Michel Houellebecq’s The Possibility of an Island

-economic inequality, the commission proposed, were problems which needed to be tackled together and which no nation could hope to solve on its own. At a time when environmentalists in most Western countries were still focused on the protection of a natural world imagined as standing apart from social concerns, the UN Commission insisted that ‘the rights of people to adequate food, to sound housing, to safe water, to access to means of choosing the size of their families’ (World Commission 1987: xi) should be conceived of as environmental issues. Failure to address them would not

in Literature and sustainability
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Transgressing the cordon sanitaire: understanding the English Defence League as a social movement

outrage into hope (2012: 2–3, 14–15). Once the individual overcomes fear, positive emotions take over, as enthusiasm activates action and hope anticipates the rewards for the risky action. Castells’s somewhat idealistic view of this process may emanate from the particular movements that form the focus of his study and is not a model that can be applied directly to the case of the EDL. There is also a good deal of slippage in the kinds of emotions he refers to and between individual feelings, their social expression as emotions and the experience of ‘affect’ (see Chapter

in Loud and proud
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Implications for the party system

hope that the left could return to office. But Jospin had realised that this could only happen if a new type of relationship were established among its components. Thus was born a new concept of left unity in the shape of the plural left. Negotiations between the parties were direct and clearly focused, and carried out by a small team from each – the PCF, MdC, PRG, and, perhaps most significant of all, the Greens under Dominique Voynet (Amar and Chemin, 2002: 13–74). Each party retained its own electoral programme, but it was understood that all components would be

in The French party system