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Structures and spaces

is usually ambiguity regarding the role of NWMs: are they coordinating, resource-allocating or policy-making bodies? Should they be building human resources on gender issues? Should they promote internal policy advocacy and build alliances with other state bureaucracies? How can one bureaucracy undertake all these tasks? Should the role of the NWM be a resource for policy dialogue on gender equality, a place for establishing common ground for joint efforts among all sectoral counterparts and pertinent actors such as advocacy groups, women’s movements, women’s NGOs

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
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individual player who would go beyond the purchase of a top of the range joystick and rudder peddles and invest not only in an accurate mock-up of a cockpit area but in the solid state hydraulics needed to replicate pitch and roll. Our PlayStation gamepads might tremble with their little internal motors when we fire our weapons, but this is hardly the kick of actual recoil. The computer game version of simulation is of a different order to those simulations intended to ‘fool’ as many of the senses as possible, and for far more practical purposes before they are sold on as

in More than a game
From an enabling towards a disabling state?

primacy to a bargaining level at which the power imbalance in favour of capital is usually at its strongest. This weakens the generalising effect of collective agreements just as much as a decline in coverage by collective agreement, but via a different route. In principle, trade unions can counter strong pressure from employees or the state in favour of decentralised agreements that diverge from those concluded at industry level by massively strengthening their internal coordination and central monitoring of decentralised negotiations. This was the route, in

in Making work more equal

Nashe was very much a man-about-London; he hadn’t yet written his share of The Isle of Dogges – perhaps a sortie into class warfare which dispatched him into self-imposed internal exile. Furthermore – and this is the heart of the matter – Nashe was a friend of Shakespeare and Harvey not. Scholars now generally accept Thom as the model for Moth, and should recognize Harvey

in Reading Shakespeare’s mind

minister of foreign affairs and cooperation, in a speech of 20 January 2010, during the Spanish presidency of the EU, recognize a series of gaps in the strategic behaviour, the existence of partiality in the strategic agenda, and a lack of will in EU external relations. This quote suggests that if this was the situation in 2010, then EU policies during the 1980s and 1990s towards a Latin American region such as Mercosur were not the most structured nor were they developed to their full potential. At the same time, the EU’s internal institutional and legal frameworks also

in The European Union's policy towards Mercosur:

. Issues such as public order and sport, drugs and sport, safety in sport, disciplinary measures in sport, conduct in sport and wider issues relating to restraint of trade and anti-competitive behaviour in sport are today common features of the national legislative and judicial landscape. The internationalisation of sporting competition and finance combined with the development of the EU has internationalised juridification. Article 3 of the EU’s founding Treaty specified that the activities of the Community shall include ‘an internal market characterised by the

in Sports law and policy in the European Union
Feminist aesthetics, negativity and semblance

uncontrolled responses of the body, magical impersonations of nature, or ritual performances of dance and song, are dominated by fear and the instinct of selfpreservation. Thus, the mimetic affinity and dependence on the other are from the outset intertwined with the desire for the mastery of the internal and external antagonistic forces. Born out of terror in the encounter with the unknown, this phobic mimesis – which Frantz Fanon will make a privileged object of his investigation – is in complicity with the rational domination of nature through the division of labour

in The new aestheticism

integration, supranational institutions promote dialogue between the central authority and relevant interest groups. As more 32 Sports law and policy in the European Union sectoral areas are brought under supranational control within the regional integration process, so traditionally nationally centred belief systems would change. ‘As time went by, these interest groups would come to appreciate the benefits of integration, and thereby transfer their demands, expectations and loyalties from national governments to a new centre, thereby becoming an important force in

in Sports law and policy in the European Union
Russia as ‘a Europe apart’

relationship, the creation of official partnership and practical cooperation, and the emergence of political tension. Important cooperation has taken place, and many new mechanisms for dialogue have been created, and met with increasing frequency, but this did not result in the improvement in relations that optimists hoped for. This background is important because the public policy and media discussion about

in The new politics of Russia

place since 1996, and the ongoing conflict in the eastern provinces, defy a single causal explanation, although these explanations have been the tendency rather than the exception, as the standard recourse to the failed state shows. An analysis of resistance brings out different aspects of the history and present of the conflict. The war that started in 1996 was seen by popular classes as an opportunity to realise their long-awaited dreams of change. In addition to the multi-state wars, coups and internal military revolts, there was a popular uprising. The violence

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making