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Visions of history, visions of Britain

doomed to repeat it. Much of this was class-specific: associated with Afro- (and to a perhaps lesser extent Indo-) Caribbean elites, with ideas about respectability, correct, non-creole English, particular tastes in literature, music, dress and so on. It has even, in James’s case, been described in terms of a Victorian public school ethos. This, though, is misleading insofar as the educational system which

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain
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The European transformation of the French model

2444Ch9 3/12/02 9 2:04 pm Page 216 Andrea Szukala France: the European transformation of the French model Introduction: ‘Maastricht’ as a major challenge Since Maastricht the politicisation of European ‘high politics’ promises to be a very hazardous political venture in France. A newspaper headline such as this from 1991: ‘Government and MPs concerned about French indifference to European integration’,1 would be inconceivable today. It is not exaggerated to presume that Maastricht stands for a fundamental shift in how the French political system copes with

in Fifteen into one?

possible. As one of the party’s few non-white activists rightly stated, the arrival of thousands of West Indians, Pakistanis and Indians provoked ‘an all pervasive sense of embarrassment’ in its ranks.5 Colour and the Commonwealth During a 1948 Labour Party annual conference debate on racial discrimination, one delegate asked: if socialism ‘does not mean that common men can live together decently and live together as brothers, I ask you what does it mean?’6 Before the 1950s, however, practical expressions of the party’s commitment to racial equality were largely

in The Labour Governments 1964–70 volume 1

Yes Yes No Mercosur, under negotiation since 1999 Association FTA goods and services Probably yes Probably yes Probably no Latin American countries Continued 119 Type of agreement 120 Table 5.1  EU agreements with third countries/regions and their legal commitment—cont’d Countries/regions Type of agreement Trade Treatment of foreign firms Legal commitments Capital movements Financial protocol Mexico 1991 Cooperation No No No No Mexico 1997 Association FTA goods and services Yes Yes No Non Latin American countries/regions ‘European

in The European Union's policy towards Mercosur:

the laws of secrecy, King Solamona, who promulgated these laws, ordained the kindly treatment of visitors because it was ‘against policy’ that strangers should return and ‘discover their knowledge’ of Bensalem. Contrary to what the sailors are told they must think, the fact is that the laws of secrecy, intended to protect the island from foreign moral corruption, presume the credulousness of non-Bensalemites. If Bensalemite laws and policy were consistent, strangers unwilling to stay – or judged unfit to stay – would have to be restrained by force or killed. The

in Francis Bacon’s New Atlantis
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The International Arbitration and Peace Association

and tolerance for their views from the IAPA that was not forthcoming from the Peace Society. This is particularly clear from an analysis of the International Peace Bureau, which was intended to 117 ‘ the truest form of patriotism ’ be a non-partisan, co-ordinating body for national peace movements. Under William Evans Darby, the Peace Society was reluctant to acknowledge or support the IPB because it included many influential members of the ILPL. Hodgson Pratt was aware that the Peace Society would be uncooperative, and during discussions on the formation of the

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
The poetics of sustainability and the politics of what we’re sustaining

implemented through referential poetics. For example, to consider a term such as poetic resources will suggest more than just a poet’s referents, and will include the techniques and traditions at their disposal as well. So when Scigaj asserts that ‘a poetic oeuvre driven by theory rather than the actual lived experience of the poet within the stubborn complexities of daily existence’ is not sustainable (1999: 79), he then eschews what other, non-referential resources might offer in terms of an engagement with sustainability. This much may be clarified by a pair of

in Literature and sustainability
The Stamp Act Crisis

Lord Lyttelton, but it helps to explain the widespread contemporary opinion that the new ministry would be short-lived. Inexperience and a perceived lack of ability; Pitt’s indifference; Bute’s reputed influence; the indignant hostility of the displaced Grenville and Bedford factions: none of this boded well for the new administration. Prime Minister Rockingham, devoid of administrative experience, had seemingly been promoted above the level of his ability. But his charm and integrity made him a good team leader, and he was to remain head of his party until his death

in George III

their children. Clearly, greater acceptance of alternatives lifestyles and sexual relationships did not mean moral neutrality or indifference. Later the same year, in his speech to the party’s 1998 conference, Hague alluded to the apparent link between the welfare state and family disintegration, when he insisted on the need for ‘welfare reform that encourages families to stay together and doesn’t discriminate against marriage’. To this end, Hague pledged that the Conservative Party would ‘develop policies on welfare reform which strengthen family responsibility and

in The Conservatives in Crisis

did Dewey believe social intelligence to be the best method for approaching moral and political conflict? Dewey believed that social intelligence, whilst not a panacea for all social problems, held the greatest hope of bringing ‘order and even abundance to societies plagued by strife and uncertainty’ (Gouinlock 1990: 268). In the first instance, this was based on the non-absolutism of social intelligence allowing for all moral positions to be voiced, heard and evaluated through social intelligence. In this sense, social intelligence provided publics with the best

in John Dewey