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down the wrath of the proto-positivist thinkers of his day. Yet, while Rousseau was a ‘gospel Christian’ (at least by his own definition), he was also preoccupied with the moral and political implications of secularism. Especially the development (or demise) of ethical theory after Hobbes. It is not least because of this that he is of interest to the modern science of politics. Rousseau rejected the Hobbesian view. In opposition to his colleagues he maintained that the ‘summation of all morality is given by the Gospel in its summation of the Law’ (III: 155–6). The

in The political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau
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Thomas Anderson, Darren Aronofsky, Christopher Nolan and the Coen brothers, he still extended his artistic reach, consolidating himself both as a filmmaker that producers and production crews alike are keen to work with, and as a totem for a range of Left-​ leaning causes and critiques marshalled against the government and media. Indeed, while the veneration of the Hollywood establishment reduced, Stone’s auteur brand –​strengthened ironically enough by his political credentials –​actually increased in some overseas territories. Nevertheless, the commercial environment

in The cinema of Oliver Stone
From Parliamentary Socialism to ‘Bennism’

Labour Party. It does so by analysing his wider assumptions about political change and the role of parties, and suggests that these were based on an attempt to understand both objective socio-political ITLP_C04.QXD 18/8/03 9:57 am Page 58 58 Ralph Miliband circumstances and subjective intentions and convictions. In addition, the chapter explains both the continuities and the changes in Miliband’s view of the Labour Party between the 1950s and the 1990s. The argument of Parliamentary Socialism The opening sentences of Parliamentary Socialism effectively summarise

in Interpreting the Labour Party

laboratory for investigation of the dynamic between gender and security. Because of the protracted conditions of warfare in many Middle Eastern states, gender roles are structured to a great extent by the exigencies of the national security agenda throughout that region, and hence the predominance there of the military in political decision making. States in the Middle East are characterized by unsettled

in Redefining security in the Middle East

4 The concealment of bodies during the military dictatorship in Uruguay (1973–84)1 José López Mazz The political violence that occurred in Latin America during the second half of the twentieth century was deeply rooted in historic and prehistoric cultural traditions. To study it in a scientific way accordingly requires both the development of a specific set of cultural and historical methodologies and a leading role to be played by archaeological techniques and forensic anthropology. Our focus is in part on apprehending and understanding violent practices

in Human remains and identification
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Anne McClintock and H. Rider Haggard

Imperialism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998); Ann Laura Stoler,‘Making Empire Respectable: The Politics of Race and Sexual Morality in Twentieth-century Colonial Cultures’, in Anne McClintock,Aamir Mufti and Ella Shohat (eds.), Dangerous Liaisons: Gender, Nation, and Postcolonial Perspectives (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997), pp. 344–73; Vron Ware, Beyond the Pale: White Women, Racism and History (London: Verso, 1992). Useful literary studies are Deirdre David, Women, Empire, and Victorian Writing (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1995

in Postcolonial contraventions
Problematising the normative connection

of creating, modifying, and eroding established international norms to varying degrees. The more interesting connection, however, lies in the question of whether the UN’s intra-state peacekeeping (quite apart from being either a ‘cause’ or ‘consequence’) mirrors a deep-running and more profound normative change in world politics, which is probably the manifestation of much bigger influences exerted

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
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Events have made ‘fascism’ a term of political abuse rather than one of serious ideological analysis. Moreover, self-proclaimed fascists have claimed that fascism is beyond intellectual analysis and have despised those who favour rational examination of their beliefs. However, we take fascism seriously as an ideology by examining fascist values and the concrete actions of some

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Isadora Duncan’s danced revolution

fact of her dancing rather than in politics per se. It is dancing that Duncan credits with actualizing a conception of life that affirms bodily becoming. It is dancing and not the Bolsheviks who will realize an alternative to the Christian morality that has permeated Western politics. It is dancing that will create not only a new art or a new politics, but a new religion. To be a revolutionary is to dance; to dance is to engage in revolutionary action, to resist the forces of ‘inequality, injustice and brutality … which had made my school impossible’. (Lamothe 2006

in Dance and politics
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Mark Garnett and Philip Lynch Introduction Introduction Mark Garnett and Philip Lynch Academic interest in Britain’s leading political parties has not always run in parallel with their electoral fortunes. The Labour Party has commanded a fairly consistent level of attention, whether in office or in opposition. But it seems that the Conservatives are fated to be regarded either as unavoidable or irrelevant. For understandable reasons, during the eighteen years of Conservative government after 1979, political scientists and historians did much to redress the

in The Conservatives in Crisis