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Chinua Achebe’s critique of cosmopolitics

chapter10 21/12/04 11:25 am Page 157 10 ‘The Killer That Doesn’t Pay Back’: Chinua Achebe’s critique of cosmopolitics ‘Cosmopolitics’ is a neologism of recent invention. A response to the proliferation of ethnic-based nationalisms, and to the post-Fordist restructuring of global capitalism, ‘cosmopolitics’ is what a number of liberal thinkers now advocate: a freely created, cosmopolitan cultural identity based on notions of ‘global’ citizenship.1 This worldly sensibility may express itself through voluntary exile from one’s homeland; it may construe the act

in Postcolonial contraventions
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contemporary technological changes as manifested in cinema. While its new technical and stylistic possibilities suggested an early potential to contribute to political or aesthetic innovation, cinema actually carried the burden of memory in modernity. In fact, it shouldn’t surprise that one of the key transformations cinema wrought involved the restructuring and revising of retrospection

in Memory and popular film
How to make sense of responses to environmental problems

work of Huber ( 1982 , 1985 ) – that envisioned a technology-aided switch from ‘dirtier’ forms of industrialization to ‘clean’, super-industrial methods of production. Innovation is, in this sense, a propulsive force. Moreover it fits together with a deregulatory sensibility. Indeed, for those championing ‘weak’ or techno-corporatist versions of EM, government intervention is seen as a last resort, to be taken when voluntary and market-based mechanisms fail (Davidson, 2012 : 37; also see Christoff, 1996

in The greening of golf

’, European Journal of Industrial Relations, 19:1, 71–86. Howell, C. (2015), ‘The changing relationship between labor and the state in contemporary capitalism’, Law, Culture and the Humanities, 11:1, 6–16. Howell, C. (2016), ‘Regulating class in the neoliberal era: the role of the state in the ­restructuring of work and employment relations’, Work, Employment and Society, 30:4, 573–89. 354 Making work more equal Hyman, R. (2015), ‘Three scenarios for industrial relations in Europe’, International Labour Review 154:1, 5–14. ILO (International Labour Organization) (2015a

in Making work more equal
The resurgence of Route 128 in Massachusetts

, B. (1999), ‘Jet engine manufacturing in New England: regional roots and recent restructuring’, Working Paper, Center for Industrial Competitiveness, University of Massachusetts, Lowell. Appelbaum, E., Bailey, T., Berg, P. and Kalleberg, A. (2000), Manufacturing Advantage: Why High Performance Work Systems Pay Off, Ithaca, NY, Cornell University Press. Best, M. (1990), The New Competition, Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press. Best, M. (1998), ‘Production principles, organizational capabilities and technology management’, in Michie, J. and Grieve-Smith, J. (eds

in Market relations and the competitive process
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. Islamic fundamentalism, as evinced in Iran and, until 2002, Afghanistan, is similarly an attempt to apply a strict interpretation of religious beliefs, in this case based on the Koran, to a restructuring of those countries. Historically, organised religion has always attempted to influence the political process, partly to promote its own moral values and partly to strengthen its own institutional position within society

in Understanding political ideas and movements
A blessing or a curse for the employment of female university graduates?

, women made up approximately 52.1 per cent of undergraduate students, 51.6 per cent of postgraduate and 36.9 per cent of PhD students (The State Council of China, 2015). This has led to the oversupply of 228 Making work more equal graduates who are deemed over-qualified but under-skilled by many employers who seek practical skills and work experience. A direct labour market consequence for these graduates is a prolonged period of unemployment, underemployment and a falling wage premium (Li et al., 2016). According to Huang and Bosler (2014), the wage premium paid

in Making work more equal

’s oeuvre, and will suggest some reasons for the answers that it provides. Fordian doctrine7 This chapter, then, will concentrate on Ford’s criticism, on his critical persona. In his genealogical analysis of modernism – as a literary movement – Levenson has chosen a similar method of approach to Ford, because ‘it was in his critical doctrine that Ford was of most consequence in this [pre-war] period’ (p. 49). True, perhaps, although Levenson does not examine enough of Ford’s writing to give a complete picture of this doctrine at work. What, then, is Fordian modernist

in Fragmenting modernism

, Chinese security forces killing demonstrating Tibetans in Lhasa the previous year clearly did not have), is also part of what obstructs the practical pursuit of human rights in China and other places. Might our assumptions about the relationship between individual and state, as articulated by a certain idea of rights, both demand and shape our response to certain instances of grave abuse and hinder our understanding of events like the Tiananmen massacre and our ability to work with the infliction of injury? It is important, in the light of this question, to look more

in Human rights and the borders of suffering

work has considered the emergence and development of particular SfD organizations and programmes. What are largely absent are attempts to connect these various levels of analysis and explore how the emergence of SfD in particular localities has been influenced by wider political and economic trends affecting both sport and ‘development’. The analysis in this chapter therefore addresses a current lacuna in understandings of SfD. Within the book

in Localizing global sport for development