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By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance. Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum, ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in activities not officially classed as war.

Open Access (free)
Mary Chamberlain

argues, is that ‘literature itself contributes to the ambitious enterprise of the making of history’. Lamming ‘sees literature as a kind of imaginative record that paradoxically substantiates and challenges historical narratives’, p. 2. 14 Paul Gilroy, The Black Atlantic: modernity and double

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain
Open Access (free)
Crossing the seas
Bill Schwarz

the collective experience of migration and diaspora. Migrants coming to Britain after the war brought with them not only memories of the West Indies: they brought, too, other stories, of other places. Above all, they embodied (to varying degrees) the complex histories of what retrospectively has been termed the black Atlantic. 39 In the years which encompassed the decolonisation of the

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain
Trevor Burnard

, the Law and the End of Slavery (New Haven, CT, 2011). 14 E. Rugemer, ‘Slave Rebels and Abolitionists: The Black Atlantic and the Coming of the Civil War’, Journal of the Civil War Era, 2:2 (2012); S. Drescher, ‘Emperor of the World: British Abolitionism and Imperialism’, in D. R. Peterson (ed.), Abolitionism and Imperialism in Britain, Africa and the Atlantic (Athens, OH, 2010); C. Hall, Civilising Subjects: Metropole and Colony in the English Imagination 1830–1867 (London, 2002); P. Mandler, ‘“Race” and “Nation” in Mid-Victorian Thought’, in S. Collini et al

in A global history of early modern violence
Open Access (free)
John Marriott

Malik, The Meaning of Race , p. 72. 52 Paul Gilroy has argued persuasively for the necessity of rethinking modernity in the light of an experience of slavery actively legitimated by racial theory ( The Black Atlantic. Modernity and Double Consciousness , London, Verso, 1993). The same argument obtains for the experience of

in The other empire