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Alex Mold

The notion of consumerism in health is often seen as controversial. Many regard consumerism, with an emphasis on individual choice, markets, and profit, as antithetical to the universalist, collectivist, free-at-the-point-of-use National Health Service. Yet there were many different understandings of consumerism in British healthcare during the 1980s. This chapter examines how consumerist ideas were manifested in public health policy and practice, and especially the impact that they had on health education and health promotion. Consumerism represented a double-edged sword for health educators. Behaviours linked to consumerism, and especially the consumption of certain products, such as tobacco and alcohol, were linked to significant public health problems. Curbing such behaviours by encouraging people towards practices of ‘sensible’ consumption offered a potential way to address to these issues. Consumption was thus both a problem and a solution. With this in mind, the chapter analyses two health education campaigns from the 1980s, one to promote ‘sensible’ drinking and the other designed to deter children from smoking. Both used consumerist tropes, especially the notion of choice. Looking at how this language of choice was received by the public indicates that consumerist approaches were not hegemonic. Indeed, if health was a choice, it is clear that the public could choose not to choose it.

in Posters, protests, and prescriptions
Open Access (free)
Refugees
Nicholas Atkin

such reporting, especially prominent in the Daily Mail, would ‘only make matters worse’.4 Admittedly, the anxiety about a fifth column sprang from the notion that Belgian and Dutch refugees, rather than French, contained large numbers of Nazi sympathisers, and 2499 Chap2 7/4/03 2:42 pm Page 31 Refugees 31 would subside in July when the number of incomers dried up,5 yet in summer 1940 it is not difficult to believe that the British public suspected anyone with a foreign accent, despite the fact that on 11 September 1940 Count Ciano could confide to his diary

in The forgotten French
Author: Jacopo Pili

Anglophobia in Fascist Italy traces the roots of Fascist Anglophobia from the Great War and through the subsequent peace treaties and its development during the twenty years of Mussolini’s regime. Initially, Britain was seen by many Italians as a ‘false friend’ who was also the main obstacle to Italy’s foreign policy aspirations, a view embraced by Mussolini and his movement. While at times dormant, this Anglophobic sentiment did not disappear in the years that followed, and was later rekindled during the Ethiopian War. The peculiarly Fascist contribution to the assessment of Britain was ideological. From the mid-1920s, the regime’s intellectuals saw Fascism as the answer to a crisis in the Western world and as irredeemably opposed to Western civilisation of the sort exemplified by Britain. Britain was described as having failed the ‘problem of labour’, and Fascism framed as a salvation ideology, which nations would either embrace or face decay. The perception of Britain as a decaying and feeble nation increased after the Great Depression. The consequence of this was a consistent underrating of British power and resolve to resist Italian ambitions. An analysis of popular reception of the Fascist discourse shows that the tendency to underrate Britain had permeated large sectors of the Italian people, and that public opinion was more hostile to Britain than previously thought. Indeed, in some quarters hatred towards the British lasted until the end of the Second World War, in both occupied and liberated Italy.

By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance. Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum, ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in activities not officially classed as war.

Alcohol health education campaigns in England
Alex Mold

This chapter explores the complex relationship between ‘the public’ and the ‘self’ in post-war British public health by tracing the development of alcohol health education during the 1970s and 1980s. Health education was put forward during these decades as a way to encourage individuals to moderate their alcohol consumption – to behave responsibly by becoming ‘sensible drinkers’. Yet, at the same time, considerable scepticism was expressed (even by those involved in the campaigns) about the ability of health education to change behaviour. Other approaches, such as increasing the price of alcohol, were suggested as ways of reducing alcohol consumption at the population level. At issue, however, was not simply the capacity for individuals to achieve healthy balance. Policy-makers weighed numerous social, economic and political concerns alongside health outcomes. A growing focus on moderation may have expanded public health’s target population, but a reliance on health education and nebulous concepts like the ‘sensible drinker’ also reflected the ways that disciplinary power could be counterbalanced by broader policy concerns.

in Balancing the self
Open Access (free)
The growth and measurement of British public education since the early nineteenth century
David Vincent

Bayly 07_Tonra 01 21/06/2011 10:30 Page 177 7 The end of literacy: the growth and measurement of British public education since the early nineteenth century David Vincent In his annual report for June 1839, Thomas Lister, Registrar-General of England and Wales, published the first attempt of a modern state to estimate the cultural capital of an entire nation. Alongside the tables of births, deaths and marriages he included a new measure of the country’s health: Almost every marriage is duly registered, and every register of marriage is signed by the parties

in History, historians and development policy
Vaccine scares, statesmanship and the media
Andrea Stöckl and Anna Smajdor

their children vaccinated. The daughter of the then health minister was vaccinated, as was Prince William, ‘amidst great publicity’. 28 Again, this seems to corroborate Jasanoff's interpretation of the relationship between the British public and their politicians. The advice and actions of trusted individuals was taken to be an appropriate means of getting the public to accept risks and uncertainties, even where the data did not straightforwardly support the

in The politics of vaccination
John Marriott

test bed for methods of domestic government, while British public schools manufactured the governing elite for service in India. 6 All this was set in motion, however, toward the close of the previous century, and lubricated by theories on the nature of Indian culture and society. Government was predicated on knowledge of the cultural forms of India – forms that came to be transformed by the

in The other empire
Open Access (free)
John Marriott

accounts and evangelical writings exerted the formative influence on perceptions of London and India. Government and East India Company reports and detailed statistical surveys were not read widely; rather it was the likes of Colquhoun, Egan, Mayhew, Mearns and Booth who revealed London, and Grant, Ward, Forbes, Heber, Montgomery Martin and Kaye who revealed India to the British public

in The other empire
Open Access (free)
Colonial subjects and the appeal for imperial justice
Charles V. Reed

attention in Britain for only fleeting moments, their narratives were disseminated to the British public in different forms and elicited specific responses and reactions from the press, MPs in the Houses of Parliament, and fascinated crowds on the streets. These visits did not create the same outpouring of responses as did imperial crises such as the sieges of Khartoum (1884–85) or Mafeking (1901), or the carefully

in Royal tourists, colonial subjects and the making of a British world, 1860–1911