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Impact of structural tensions and thresholds

impact of the radical transition from colonialism to post-colonialism was twofold: it changed the way the (neo)colonial powers exercised influence over (ex-)colonies; but equally importantly, it provided the South with a unifying concept during the period of decolonisation. The first dimension of the transition to post-colonialism involved the continued ambitions of great powers and business interests

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change

intervention’, as have other critical thinkers in more scholarly manner, such as Anne Orford, 10 Antony Anghie 11 and Costas Douzinas. 12 For them, intervention is by definition abusive, the diktat of the powerful, a form of blatant neo-imperialism and neo-colonialism. But a minority of leftist thinkers, who put a premium on self-determination and saving the weak from the strong, are favourable to such interventions, albeit in very exceptional cases, such as Jürgen Habermas, 13 Michael

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Just war and against tyranny

‘grievous violations of the law of nature’. 31 According to Wilhelm Grewe’s reading of Grotius, his approach is ‘nothing other than the doctrine of religious intervention expressed in the language of natural law’. 32 The argument that saving people from maltreatment was a justification for colonialism and imperialism is levelled mainly at Vitoria and Grotius (see below). Antiquity and the Middle Ages Interestingly, Renaissance writers, notably

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century

resources were especially plentiful in the southern provinces of Katanga (provincial capital: Elisabethville) and Kasai (provincial capital: Luluabourg). 6 In 1906 the Belgian company Union Minière du Haut Catanga was given exclusive mining rights in Katanga until 1999. 7 While the Belgian colonialism was oppressive, local resistance to it did not mature until the second half of the 1950s. 8 In

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change

least four points are worth making. First of all, Kant was guarded on intervention, not wanting to open a Pandora’s box, given his views on war and peace, autonomy and morality. Secondly, he wrote Perpetual Peace in the wake of the French Revolution and apparently one of his main preoccupations was not to give grounds for foreign interventions against Republican France 41 (as advocated, say, by Burke). Thirdly, Kant, as a cosmopolitan, was not an advocate of conquest and colonialism

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century

: Accomplices of European Colonialism and Exploitation or True Cosmopolitans?’, Journal of the History of International Law , 10 (2008), 186–204. 4 A. Pagden, ‘Stoicism, Cosmopolitanism, and the Legacy of European Imperialism’, Constellations , 7:1 (2000), 3–18. 5 A. Pagden, The Enlightenment and Why It Still Matters (New York: Random House, 2013

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century

wary of acquiring the Philippines. 108 McKinley told the commission (16 September) that ‘we took up arms only in obedience to the dictates of humanity and in the fulfillment of high public and moral obligation’, 109 and to end Spanish colonialism in the Western hemisphere. 110 But the US approach to the Philippines was on a different basis. As he pointed out to the commission in his instructions: ‘we cannot be unmindful that, without any desire or

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
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Redefining security in the Middle East

, neo-colonialism, migration and refugees, economic scarcity, ethnic and racial conflict, domestic abuse/violence against women, and political and human rights. These issues both exceed and render problematic the limited boundaries of the field as they take place across and beyond state boundaries and cannot be resolved by any particular state structure on its own. Second, and perhaps more importantly

in Redefining security in the Middle East
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Surveillance and transgender bodies in a post-9/ 11 era of neoliberalism

gettin’ rounded up are dealin’ with. (Feinberg 2006 : 225–6) Constantly reminding us of the indebtedness to previous social movements, the novel demonstrates how transphobia cannot be looked at separately from racism, xenophobia, homophobia, sexism, and settler colonialism. Ruby continues on this collective element: ‘We bring signs that say

in Security/ Mobility
Evolution of the normative basis

tried to pursue a more independent foreign policy. Whether aligned or ‘non-aligned’, the entire Third World shared strong anticolonial sentiments. Having suffered at the hands of colonial powers, the new states wanted an end to colonialism. Significantly, the decolonisation project enjoyed support from both superpowers. In search of a mechanism capable of taming the former colonial powers, perhaps the

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change