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Olivia Umurerwa Rutazibwa

coloniality, even in the most ‘benign’ of research and policy areas, like international aid and humanitarianism. Coloniality can be understood as the perpetuation of colonial systems and technologies of domination into the present. As discussed by scholars such as Quijano, Grosfoguel, Dussel and Ndlovu-Gatsheni, the concept of decoloniality encourages systemic and historical analysis of the organised (re)production of injustice and mass human suffering. Formal colonialism (which arguably existed from 1492 to the 1960s) and transatlantic enslavement are but

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Editors’ Introduction
Tanja R. Müller and Gemma Sou

’s increasing involvement in humanitarian aid, focusing in particular on humanitarian wearables. She demonstrates how such wearables and the data generated by them may turn the relationship between beneficiaries and humanitarian actors on its head, in that beneficiaries provide the goods, not least in the form of marketable data, to humanitarian actors. This raises important ethical concerns and, as Sandvik suggests, requires a considered debate about data colonialism. Two further contributions engage

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Digital Bodies, Data and Gifts
Kristin Bergtora Sandvik

field ( Sandvik, 2017 ) and consider humanitarian pasts and futures: earlier humanitarian uses of body tracking devices for care and control, together with how contemporary affordances in emergencies shape ideas about what wearables can be used for, on whom and how. I suggest that what the ‘humanitarian wearable’ tells us about the nature of digital humanitarianism can be the point of departure for articulating a critique of aid in the age of data colonialism ( Couldry and

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
A Focus on Community Engagement
Frédéric Le Marcis, Luisa Enria, Sharon Abramowitz, Almudena-Mari Saez and Sylvain Landry B. Faye

authority in Sierra Leone is similarly emblematic of state–society relations. British colonialism left behind a bifurcated state ( Mamdani, 1996 ), with despotic chieftaincies in the hinterlands and a central state without roots in society. The civil war (1991–2002) was the culmination of decades of alienation and socio-economic exclusion, and rebel factions directed their anger at representatives of the ‘rotten system’, including chiefs, as symbols of abuses of

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Brad Evans

’. The very idea of colonialism would be premised on the ability to mark out as racially inferior entire continents of people, who could be rightfully condemned, as indigeneity meant they were one step closer to the barbarism of non-metropolitan life. But even as the most enlightened liberal replaced crude biological determinants with its equally prejudicial cultural markers, so the idea that humans were still naturally violent remained the normalised truth regarding the history of the human condition and its political maturity. Hence, what remained was to question how

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Tarik Kochi

). Another way may be to think of recognition in relation to modern colonialism and slavery, and in particular, with regard to the Haitian slave revolt and constitution of a Haitian republic following the interpretation of Susan Buck-Morss ( 2000 ). A third would be to think of recognition as a hinge concept linking the political and economic in relation to struggle for recognition

in Recognition and Global Politics
Open Access (free)
M. Anne Brown

apparently logical imperative that demands a choice one way or the other, may in some important respects be generated and sustained by the history of the development of the state and of colonialism. From this position of reserve, then, the chapter considers aspects of these two interlocking metatheoretical debates (in part through a discussion of alternative or more critical approaches to the conceptualisation of rights, or ethics). These debates have certainly been central to scholarly exchange on questions of rights (as well as on ethics more

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
Robbie Shilliam

upon an exorcism of colonialism. Nevertheless, Fanon treats these ‘traditions’ instrumentally. Keen to escape the dialectical traps laid down by the lord/massa, Fanon cannot consider the drum beats as aspects of living knowledge traditions. Indeed, we should not forget that for Fanon drums are the ultimate fetish that white people have used to entrap him in an unhuman blackness, a zone of non

in Recognition and Global Politics
Open Access (free)
M. Anne Brown

, in contrast to the religiously mixed but predominantly Muslim Indonesians. This Catholicism reflects in part the bequest of Portuguese colonialism, but more potently stands as a rejection of an Indonesian identity. It is sometimes suggested that the period of Portuguese rule was one of benign neglect. The neglect is indisputable – little effort at development or the provision of services was made until the 1950s. By 1973 the illiteracy rate of the East Timorese was estimated at 93 per cent, and infant mortality in the 1950s (1960s’ and 1970s

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
Open Access (free)
M. Anne Brown

exercise of power that define the state. The history of colonialism has further compounded this dynamic. It is here that the pseudo-choice of human rights as either a matter of abstract universalism or of relativism (neatly identified with the contours of the state) is claimed to be definitive. Thus to step aside from the effort to ground once and for all an orientation towards non-injury, a respect for or even a cherishing of others in models of universality is to embrace neither relativism nor an ethical vacuum. The often rather parochial

in Human rights and the borders of suffering