, repeating the same melody, verse after verse. Some more musicians join in, others drop out.
… crowned with lilies and roses / in this chapel Mary rests crowned by the heart of Jesus / Madonna di Pollino help me …
One after another the musicians touch the case and, while it seems that the piece is approaching its conclusion, the zampogna has never stopped its droning. Suddenly the drums change pace and the music becomes a tarantella . Two men briefly start dancing, then one of the organetto players dances a few steps in front of the statue, imitated by the
anthropology in Basilicata (see chapter 7 ). In combination with the accompanying texts and sounds, the aim of these images is to evoke the manner in which, with varying degrees of consciousness, people in contemporary Basilicata perform cultural heritage at the same time as performing acts of religious devotion.
As is evident throughout the associated sound-chapter, music is ever present at wheat festivals, and many of the offerings dance with their carriers to the sound of tarantelle . Dancing with the wheat offerings is a form of sonic devotion not unlike those
capable of dominating the soundscape, and its frequent use in festivals, pilgrimages and other moments of socialisation make it particularly suited to creating a sense of sonic community, understood in a sense similar to that suggested by Schafer ( 1977 : 214). It can bring people together and control the movements of dancers but also of other musicians, who have to adapt to its key and to its volume (see chapter 3 ). Some zampogna players love playing while walking, in open spaces or through the streets of a village, interacting with the place, testing the resonance
Recorded memories and diasporic identity in the archive of Giuseppe Chiaffitella
sense of community. If community is no longer conceived of as an entity defined in space and time, it becomes then a sort of mental construction based on the sharing of symbolic and ritual elements, and of practices that include musical ones (Shelemay 2011 : 358). These are crucial in the preservation of collective identities. As underlined by Turino: ‘Music, dance, festivals, and other public expressive cultural practices are a primary way that people articulate the collective identities that are fundamental to forming and sustaining social groups, which are, in
Towards a sonic ethnography of the Maggio festival in Accettura
Lorenzo Ferrarini and Nicola Scaldaferri
the Monday a procession with a small statue of St Julian takes place. On the Tuesday morning, with the aid of large wooden dowels, the cima and the maggio are joined while still on the ground, and some metal tags are tied to the branches (formerly cheese, cured meat and even live animals). After a mass is celebrated a larger statue of St Julian is carried in a procession, stopping in the main square where the maggio is finally fully raised, often totalling more than thirty-five metres. Women dance balancing votive offerings of candles on their heads, and
Notes on developing a photo-ethnographic practice in Basilicata
Tedlock 1979 ), where it designates practices of representation that preserve the polyphonic and intersubjective origins of ethnographic knowledge (see also Feld 1987 ).
7.4 San Paolo Albanese, January 2020. Pietro Ragone looks at prints of photographs of himself dancing the sickle for the festival of St Roch, which I shot between 2005 and 2017.
Ever since I started reflecting on my photographic practice and how to develop it in a dialogic direction, I have found inspiration in the work of Magnum photographer Susan Meiselas. In her first book Carnival
In San Mauro Forte the ‘archaic’ and ‘ancestral’ value attributed to the sound of the bells plays an important promotional role. Thanks to sound recording it can be integrated in World Music circuits, where it can reach new audiences and help promote the festival. During the Matera 2019 Open Sound Festival, for example, recordings of bells from San Mauro were sampled as part of a live set of electronic dance music while the promotion of the event made large use of images of St Anthony the Abbot.
Despite the transformations of the event across
Cox 2002 ; MacDougall 1999 ; Meyer 2009 ), and performing similar evaluations and appreciations of them. Stokes has remarked how ‘[a] sense of identity can be put into place through music by performing it, dancing to it, listening to it or even thinking about it’ ( 1994 : 24). We suggest that this observation can be equally well applied to sonic environments in which musical performances may be only one element or indeed may not be present at all. In this book, we discuss the emergence of aesthetic communities in the case of the communal work that forms part of
Missing persons and colonial skeletons in South Africa
both South African and Transkeian authorities – see G. Dennie, ‘One king, two burials: the politics of funerals in
South Africa’s Transkei’, unpublished seminar paper, University of the
Witwatersrand, October 1990, p. 7.
Dennie, ‘The standard of dying’, p. 323.
Ibid., p. 336.
J. Bucher, ‘Arguing Biko: evidence of the body in the politics of history,
1977 to the present’ (unpublished PhD thesis, University of Minnesota,
2010); see also Special Issue Drum, November 1977.
A form of war dance, expressing defiance and protest, said to be derived
from guerrilla training