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those of European extraction, and treaties with states outside Europe (and America) were unequal, with the sovereignty and independence of the Ottoman Empire, China, Siam, Persia and Japan thereby limited. 13 Civilization linked with progress ‘became a scale by which the countries of the world were categorized into “civilized”, barbarous and savage spheres’, 14 a distinction adhered to by Montesquieu in The Spirit of the Laws , 15 which was common among

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century

days of its ‘golden age’, trailed behind the other Western countries. Yet all Spaniards were united by the memory of a glorious past, now symbolized by the possession of Cuba (the island had been claimed by Columbus for Spain in his very first voyage, of 1492). Cuba and the immense overseas empire were regarded as God’s gift to Spain for the Reconquista (the re-conquest) of Christian Spain from the Muslims and an integral part of the Spanish nation. 12

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
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A bird’s eye view of intervention with emphasis on Britain, 1875–78

against the Ottoman Empire (June–July 1876). By the mid-1870s the debate over humanitarian intervention was in full swing, with over forty publicists participating, among whom a two-thirds majority supported intervention. The 1850s and 1860s had seen some of the seminal advocacies of the new doctrine: those by Phillimore, Fiore and Bluntschli. In the 1870s (before and during the Balkan crisis) there followed those by Arntz, Rolin-Jaequemyns and Martens. The

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medieval Serb Kingdom. By the second half of the fifteenth century, it had become part of the Ottoman Empire’s conquests in the region. It remained in the Ottoman Empire until the First and Second Balkan Wars of 1912 and 1913, when it became, once again, a province of Serbia. Apart from the period of the Second World War, Kosovo remained in Serbia’s ‘successor’, Communist Yugoslavia. 7 Whether as part of the Ottoman Empire

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Between humanitarianism and pragmatism

for the Russian Empire. Most Russian diplomats and other high-ranking officials, most of them aristocrats, though not immune to the ideological, political and cultural differences within Russian society, were attuned to the reigning spirit and culture of Europe. Thus they upheld the concept of legitimacy, diplomatic dialogue and limited war as a last resort in order to resolve outstanding conflicts that could not be settled by concord. 2 Despite the overall Russian

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century

On intervention The second intervention in the nineteenth century on humanitarian grounds is regarded the great power intervention in Lebanon and Syria, headed by France. 1 Both were at the time provinces of Greater Syria, within the Ottoman Empire, which included today’s Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Israel, the West Bank and Gaza. When the intervention in Lebanon and Syria took place in 1860–61, the debate among publicists on humanitarian

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
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not intervene militarily on behalf of the Jews of Russia or the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire? 6 And why did the US intervene only in Cuba and not in, say, oppressive regimes of South America, which instead it chose to support? 7 But as even Franck and Rodley are prepared to accept, the Greek case and some others against the Ottoman Empire ‘are probably not to be dismissed as bogus. At least they struck a responsive chord in Western European and Russian public

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intervened as peacekeepers in Crete (with warships and troops) on behalf of the Ottomans. Other cases that happen to be included in some lists of humanitarian interventions, such as the Armenians or the situation in Macedonia in the Ottoman Empire at the turn of the century, did not involve military operations but diplomatic pressure. Humanitarian reasons have also been referred to by some commentators with regard to the outbreak of the First Balkan War. In fact the official humanitarian

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century

-Hellenic Enlightenment’ was spawned, which came to see Ottoman rule as unacceptable and the Greeks as being ‘in chains’, even though the educated Romioi (Orthodox Greek-speakers or Hellenized inhabitants of the Balkans) were prospering in the Ottoman Empire, with the Phanariots (their quasi-aristocracy in Constantinople) holding high state positions, despite being a subject people, the Rum millet (the Orthodox Christian community). 11 The uprising was put on course

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century

latter as the splitting of a state into two parts. He claimed that in the latter case ‘interference ceases to be intervention when this is done’, as in the case of the Battle of Navarino during the Greek War of Independence (see chapter 6 ), which could not be seen as ‘simply an intervention in the internal affairs of the Turkish empire’. 43 Another remark by Bernard makes his overall position even more baffling: that ‘for the protection of the weak … there may be the

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century