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no rights. Focusing on intermediaries, mediation and in particular on the role of the cadets sociaux enables us to show how social dynamics are re-enacted in a context of crisis. Background Historical analyses have attributed the failure of the Guinean, Liberian and Sierra Leonian governmental responses at the onset of the epidemic to a number of factors related to history and international political economy. They range from the
. , Roberts , A. and Tornhill , S. ( 2018 ), ‘ Corporations, Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment: Feminism Co-opted? ’, in Nölke , A. and May , C. (eds), Handbook of the International Political Economy of the Corporation ( Cheltenham
negotiated bilateral trade agreements to strengthen security ties with key US allies such as Israel, Jordan, Bahrain and South Korea. Obama’s promotion of the TPP was also in keeping with the traditional role post-war American presidents played at the intersection of domestic and international political economies. Protectionist pressures typically emanate from import-sensitive societal interests and are given political voice by members of Congress. The presidential task has been to buy off protectionist interests selectively, but more importantly to deflect broader
trade away from the primary SLOCs. The possibility of managing this fundamental shift in the international political economy without resorting to war is risked by blind faith at home in the United States’ maritime destiny. Mahanian bondage keeps Washington from recognising that a successful empire is unbound and unshackled from geographic confinements – maritime or continental. 39 Notes 1 T. Kane, ‘Global US Troop Deployment, 1950–2005’, The Heritage Foundation (24 May 2006), p. 7, www.heritage.org/defense/report/global-us-troop-deployment-1950-2005 , accessed
forms of social organisation and political authority. These may not be enough to stop war, change the government and the rules of international political economy, but they are an essential basis for more meaningful social and political order. 195
, since it is embedded more broadly in patterns of society relations, in the dynamics of international political economy and in state constitutive patterns of world order. Power–resistance relations are not an isolated relationship between authority and subject. In fact, one of the insights from looking at peacebuilding from a historical sociological perspective and from an African case study is that this relationship is a plural relationship of ‘multiple authorities and centres of political control’, not a binary (Raeymaekers 2007: 173). The particular context is
the core great powers and the international political economy constitutes a dilemma for regional states. The core is both the indispensable source of many crucial resources and of constraints on the autonomy of regional states. The constraining impact of the core ranges from the threat of active military intervention or economic sanctions to the leverage derived from the dependency of regional states, maximised where there is high need and a lack of alternatives for the client state. In extreme cases, foreign policy may be chiefly designed to access economic