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This article discusses how Armenians have collected, displayed and exchanged the bones of their murdered ancestors in formal and informal ceremonies of remembrance in Dayr al-Zur, Syria – the final destination for hundreds of thousands of Armenians during the deportations of 1915. These pilgrimages – replete with overlapping secular and nationalist motifs – are a modern variant of historical pilgrimage practices; yet these bones are more than relics. Bone rituals, displays and vernacular memorials are enacted in spaces of memory that lie outside of official state memorials, making unmarked sites of atrocity more legible. Vernacular memorial practices are of particular interest as we consider new archives for the history of the Armenian Genocide. The rehabilitation of this historical site into public consciousness is particularly urgent, since the Armenian Genocide Memorial Museum and Martyr’s Church at the centre of the pilgrimage site were both destroyed by ISIS (Islamic State in Syria) in 2014.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal

7 State violence and death politics in post-revolutionary Iran 1 Chowra Makaremi 2 From 9 January to 19 July 2012, the Iranian daily Gooya News, one of the Iranian diaspora’s main information sites, published a series of forty-one articles, entitled ‘Interviews with a torture and rape witness’. The tortures and rapes in question were from the period of violent state repression that gripped the Islamic Republic throughout the 1980s. The interviews give voice to the anonymous testimony of an official involved in the penitentiary and judicial sphere of that period

in Destruction and human remains
Open Access (free)
Tracing relatedness and diversity in the Albanian–Montenegrin borderland

dynamics of the Ottoman–Montenegrin border that contributed to shifting identities, boundaries and allegiances among the local population. Local people found themselves Travelling genealogies 83 between the ‘soft’ margins of Ottoman rule on the one hand and, on the other, the political strategies of the Montenegrin rulers whose goal was to shift the border in their favour. Hence repeated border crossings, conversion to Islam or intermarriage were common social practices in the Montenegrin–Ottoman borderland. After having been marked – although still permeable and

in Migrating borders and moving times

-ethnic patterns of divide in BiH (Maček 2001; Stefansson 2007). See also Henig (2012), who deals with post-socialist influence on neighbourly relations in a rural context. 7 For further information about housing entitlements in shifting political systems, see Lofranco 2013. 8 Islamic commemoration of the deceased and celebration of the Prophet Mohammed’s birth. References Appadurai, A. (1996) Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Appadurai, A. (1998) ‘Dead certainty: ethnic violence in the era of globalization

in Migrating borders and moving times
The forensic and political lives of secondary mass graves in Bosnia and Herzegovina

identity in a particularly powerful form. As a result, Wagner notes in her book, To Know Where He Lies, that in contemporary Bosnia, interring and commemorating victims of genocide or crimes against humanity relies on both following Bosnian Muslim traditions, and also on improvising from them. Thus, communities must reconcile the initial conditions of death and burial of their loved ones with the return of the (usually partial) remains and identities through consecrated funerals.102 The Bosnian Islamic Community (IZ) responded to this need by consulting Sharia law, in

in Human remains and identification

, migrants living in Greece never expected their Albanian relatives to send them clothes, furniture or money. Even in 2014, when many of the migrants have returned, they still consider Greek and other foreign goods to be of ‘better quality’ than those available in Albania. In Greek and Albanian there is only one word used for the house and home: spiti/shtëpi. References Backer, B. (1983) ‘Mother, sister, daughter, wife: the pillars of traditional Albanian patriarchal society’, in M. Utas (ed.), Women in Islamic Societies: Social Attitudes and Historical Perspectives

in Migrating borders and moving times
Integrative concepts for a criminology of mass violence

discourse and action  93 consisting of Arab–Islamic suprema­cist and de­humanizing rhetoric conditioned and mobilized government-backed militia groups, and provided a vocabulary of motive that was employed in conflict with black African victims to commit and amplify genocidal violence. Methodologically, Hagan employed sophisticated multi­ level statistics to analyse the results of a unique mixed-methods survey 42 of victimization in Chadian refugee camps – the Atroci­ ties Documentation Survey of 1,136 survivors. Among a number of important findings, Hagan substantiated

in Human remains and mass violence
Open Access (free)
Crossing borders, changing times

. With the changing political order of Europe, these discourses also changed in content, yet without ever losing their general moral tone in which ‘the West’ considered ‘the East’ as its dangerous, Muslim-dominated antagonist. This notion fostered the establishment of a territorial border region within the neighbouring, mainly Christian-dominated Hapsburg Empire, which acted as a buffer zone towards Islam and the Ottoman state while simultaneously emerging as a frontier of cultural contact and tolerance, migration and conversion. Such themes still resonate today and

in Migrating borders and moving times
Massacres, missing corpses, and silence in a Bosnian community

who found themselves citizens of the new state, the Ustašas considered them to be Croats of the Islamic faith. Aside from Jews and Roma, the main population who stood in the way of the Ustašas’ vision of an ethnically pure Croatian state was the Serb Orthodox community, which comprised nearly one-third of the population.7 Archival documents indicate that at least fifty-one local men joined the Ustašas in the Kulen Vakuf region, of whom thirtytwo were Muslim and nineteen Croat. These men constituted less than 1 per cent of the region’s population of Croats and

in Destruction and human remains