Elyse Semerdjian

This article discusses how Armenians have collected, displayed and exchanged the bones of their murdered ancestors in formal and informal ceremonies of remembrance in Dayr al-Zur, Syria – the final destination for hundreds of thousands of Armenians during the deportations of 1915. These pilgrimages – replete with overlapping secular and nationalist motifs – are a modern variant of historical pilgrimage practices; yet these bones are more than relics. Bone rituals, displays and vernacular memorials are enacted in spaces of memory that lie outside of official state memorials, making unmarked sites of atrocity more legible. Vernacular memorial practices are of particular interest as we consider new archives for the history of the Armenian Genocide. The rehabilitation of this historical site into public consciousness is particularly urgent, since the Armenian Genocide Memorial Museum and Martyr’s Church at the centre of the pilgrimage site were both destroyed by ISIS (Islamic State in Syria) in 2014.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Neil Macmaster

had in early 1957 quietly established a working party under Simoneau to draft a new code but this, after consultation with the Prefects, was shelved. Lacoste was surrounded by European specialists on native customs and Islamic law, advisers from the affaires indigènes, judges and professors of law, who upheld a highly conservative consensus or tacit alliance with the official-backed religious leaders (imams) and lawyers (cadis), that no major changes to Islamic law would be implemented by non-Muslim French secularists.2 The colonial government was traditionally

in Burning the veil
Neil Macmaster

negative consequences for women in post-independence society. The first of these was the underlying strength and continuity of conservative Islamic religion and culture that was to shape the post-war political order, and secondly, the massive disruption and challenge to patriarchy caused by war-time conditions that determined males at independence to reassert their domination over women and youth with a vengeance. The failure of the EMSI and the emancipation apparatus As has been seen throughout this study, the emancipation strategy consisted of a package of different

in Burning the veil
Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Open Access (free)
The failure of history
Neil Macmaster

Conclusion: the failure of history Contemporary western concerns about Islamic resurgence, particularly since the Iranian revolution of 1979 and the spread of radicalism post9/11, has led to a huge revival of academic interest and debate in relation to a much older component of Orientalism, the theory that Muslim societies face an inherent difficulty in making the transition to occidental forms of liberalism or parliamentary democracy. Islam, many have argued, is in essence incompatible with the good or ‘open society’.1 The debate on the modernisation paradigm

in Burning the veil
Open Access (free)
Neil Macmaster

’ that had little interest in facilitating the basic rights and autonomy of such organisations.14 There are a number of shared features of these inter-war movements, that can be characterised as an ‘autocratic secular nationalism’,15 that help to throw light on French policy during the Algerian War. Forced emancipation tended to create deep divisions between pro-western modernisers and conservative, religious forces that regarded the penetration of European culture as a dangerous subversion and corruption of Islam and an authentic religio-national identity. Battle

in Burning the veil
Open Access (free)
Education and development in modern Southeast Asian history
Tim Harper

signs that the scholarly ground is shifting and that, through an accumulation of work on Chinese and Islamic education, the importance of the non-formal sector in particular seems to be coming back into focus. With this in mind, the potential contribution of historians, it seems to me, is modest and straightforward: to try to provide a useful narrative of regional thinking about education and development in Southeast Asia, particularly during its key ‘periods of transition’. This, I think, is something we have not done well. But we can also strive to set educational

in History, historians and development policy
Neil Macmaster

they belong to the body of the community. The nationalist ideology combines a nostalgia for the past and the revolutionary hope of a new world’.23 As has been seen, the defence of an Arabo-Islamic identity was formulated most crucially in terms of women, as mothers and educators, and of the private sphere of the family viewed as a bastion in which core values were transmitted from one generation to the next. In particular FLN propaganda had helped to reinforce the association between French emancipation and counter-insurgency, so that any moves to reform the position

in Burning the veil
The origins of the Algerian women’s movement, 1945–54
Neil Macmaster

absent from these international meetings, a fact that may in part have reflected the wider intellectual isolation of the Maghreb, and especially of Algeria, from the more advanced political and religious ferment of the Middle East. Recent scholarship has shown that Algeria was far less sealed-off from currents in the Middle East than previously thought,14 but the repressive French regime, ever paranoid about any revolutionary or pan-Islamic or panArab threat to the most prized of the colonies, exercised a formidable policing of ideas and persons circulating across the

in Burning the veil
Open Access (free)
Kjell M. Torbiörn

scepticism and negative referenda in Denmark and Ireland would tend to suggest? However, can the European bicycle of integration remain upright unless it moves forward? Should it be equipped with a ‘kick stand’? But is it any fun peddling a MUP_Torbion_10_Ch10 266 22/9/03, 3:56 pm Where is Europe heading? 267 bicycle that is not moving? Would a ‘standstill’ imposed on integration not rapidly turn into its opposite, disintegration? Christianity and Islam Anyone who travelled across devastated Europe in 1648 must have thought any reconciliation between Catholics and

in Destination Europe