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Tami Amanda Jacoby

, ethnicity, religion and gender, groups whose main interests may not coincide, and may even conflict, with those of the state. Women tend to be positioned in such sub-state groups and, as such, comprise a major category from which to understand the exclusive nature of security in the Middle East. In this chapter, Israel is the immediate context for exploring gender roles ascribed by national security, and the

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Constructing security in historical perspective
Jonathan B. Isacoff

T HIS CHAPTER EXAMINES the concept of security through discursive contestation at the leadership level in a critical Middle Eastern case – that of Israel. The approach adopted here can be called historical constructivism in that it traces the fractured construction of security as a phenomenon that changes dramatically, and with significant political implications

in Redefining security in the Middle East

For over five decades, the Cold War security agenda was distinguished by the principal strategic balance, that of a structure of bipolarity, between the United States (US) and the Soviet Union (USSR). This book seeks to draw from current developments in critical security studies in order to establish a new framework of inquiry for security in the Middle East. It addresses the need to redefine security in the Middle East. The focus is squarely on the Arab-Israeli context in general, and the Palestinian-Israeli context in particular. The character of Arab-Israeli relations are measured by the Israeli foreign policy debate from the 1950s to the 1990s. A dialogue between Islam and Islamism as a means to broaden the terrain on which conflict resolution and post-bipolar security in the Middle East is to be understood is presented. The Middle East peace process (MEPP) was an additional factor in problematizing the military-strategic concept of security in the Middle East. The shift in analysis from national security to human security reflects the transformations of the post-Cold War era by combining military with non-military concerns such as environmental damage, social unrest, economic mismanagement, cultural conflict, gender inequity and radical fundamentalism. By way of contrast to realist international relations (IR) theory, developing-world theorists have proposed a different set of variables to explain the unique challenges facing developing states. Finally, the book examines the significance of ecopolitics in security agendas in the Middle East.

Olivia Umurerwa Rutazibwa

Introduction All over the globe, fascism, racism and xenophobic nationalism are resurfacing in what we once thought of as ‘respectable’ democracies. Following a particularly bleak weekend at the end of October 2018 (the election of Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, reports of worsening famine in Yemen, Israeli bombardment of Gaza and the murder of eleven worshippers at a refugee-harbouring synagogue in Pittsburgh), my colleague Dr Sara Salem of the London School of Economics tweeted: ‘It’s difficult watching political scientists scrambling to

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
From the Global to the Local
Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh

principles, this is an approach underpinned by the depoliticisation of the cause of Palestinians’ displacement and dispossession – the occupation of Palestinian territory by the state of Israel. In essence, the deal is a ‘truly Trumpian solution’: ‘cash for peace instead of land for peace… Peace will therefore be economic, rather than political… Their hopes may be dead but their bank accounts will be in the black’ ( Fisk, 2018 ). While UNRWA may be perceived as being at particular risk due to the financial precarity resulting from the funding

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Mel Bunce

involvement in a concerted campaign ( Gilbert, 2018 ). According to FireEye, the security firm that discovered the campaign, these accounts were a coordinated operation that leveraged ‘a network of inauthentic news sites and clusters of associated accounts across multiple social media platforms to promote political narratives in line with Iranian interests’ ( ibid ., 2018), including of the Israel–Palestine conflict, politics in North Korea and the UK’s departure from the EU. In Syria, there is a fervent propaganda war between the Americans

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Fabrice Weissman

The experts to whom we are referring and whose arguments we are summarising are the security specialists we met during discussions within MSF about its kidnapping policy. 7 In reality, this policy is impractical and ineffective. Even governments that insist they ‘never negotiate with terrorists’, such as Russia, the United States and Israel, cannot consistently adhere to this policy due

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Brad Evans

understand why the masses can elect oppression as though it were liberation. Violence can be seductive, and it can also be psychologically purifying, especially for those who have long been subjugated by it. But more often, those who justify violence do not put themselves on the side of death. However deluded and deceptive, only the most bizarre suicidal cults can be explained in the terms Freud explained. From fascism to liberalism (the two never so distant), al-Qaeda to Assad, ISIS to Israel, what marks out claims to violence is precisely the idea that a better world

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles
Rony Brauman

ammunition, flamethrowers, napalm, and other incendiary agents, against targets requiring their use is not a violation of international law. … They should not, however, be employed to cause unnecessary suffering to individuals’ ( Keller, 2018 ). The Israeli Army offered the exact same argument in 2014, during Operation Cast Lead, to defend its use of phosphorus bombs in Gaza – a use dictated by ‘military necessity’. Otherwise, why use them? In October 2016, the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Marie-Luce Desgrandchamps, Lasse Heerten, Arua Oko Omaka, Kevin O'Sullivan, and Bertrand Taithe

United Nations sometimes defined the principle of non-interference in domestic affairs – and it was echoed by the non-interventionist stance adopted by the Organisation of African Unity [ Barnett, 2011 : 138–42; Loescher, 2001 : 146–7]. The second dynamic is geopolitical. British, Soviet and Israeli interests in the region, and the material and diplomatic support that accompanied them, were important in how the conflict was conducted [ Levey, 2014

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs