.25 While this was a positive aspect of his early childhood, this heroising of the victim becomes a worrying aspect of Jewishidentity.
In coming to terms with the rise of ‘negationism’ or Holocaust denial in France,
Finkielkraut has severely criticised those who, in seeing Israel as a positive
outcome of the Holocaust, ‘mitigate the genocide by looking for meaning to its
absurdity and entertaining the notion that such an affront is reparable’.26 He
criticises Zionists such as Gothelf, Herzog, and Jung, since for these people, ‘the
existence of Israel gives a
Education to toleration: some philosophical obstacles resolved
lacking a principled value of tolerance – are willing to ‘tolerate’ the secular for
their own theological reasons (such as the common ancestry and Jewishidentity). This convergence is obviously contingent and hence not very stable, but it
may prove to be of much pragmatic social and political value.
For a sophisticated justification of toleration in utilitarian terms, see D. Lewis,
‘Mill and Milquetoast’, Australasian Journal of Philosophy, 67 (1989) 152–71.
Jewishidentity transcended national boundaries, and that Jews were
prominent in both communism and capitalism, was another reason to fear and
The leader and the elite
All versions of fascism despise
democracy and communism for their emphasis on equality. Fascists believe
that inequality of individuals, as well as of peoples, is a plain fact of
nature. Political systems should take account of
embedded within political institutions and society. Along with this, the dominance of
Judaism, as both formal and normative structure, plays a prominent role in the regulation
of life across the state, politically and culturally. Formal and normative structures have
collapsed into one another, changing the characteristics of the Israeli state, where
structural violence along Jewish lines becomes a defining part of relations between Jews
and non-Jewishidentity groups across both Israel and the Palestinian territories.
From the cradle to the grave and
seeking, and then gaining, a homeland, one of the main features of Hebrew
nationalism was the covenantal culture it created – a special relationship or
series of agreements made between a people and their deity. Much of Zionism,
and indeed nationalism in general, revolved around the concept of status
reversal, or Covenant, the promise of deliverance in the midst of hardship. The
Covenant was absolutely central to Jewishidentity, in particular the concept
of ‘chosenness’, according to the historian Donald Harman Akenson.6 The
Zionist writer Martin Buber
The ‘defending democracy’ in Israel – a framework of analysis
Zionist national movement which, like other national movements, worked to instil among its future citizens a (Jewish) national worldview. The values and principles of the Israeli ‘ethnic democracy’ are intended to perpetuate the Jewish community’s uniqueness, its legitimate control over the country and its role as a centralised state in charge of the education system and its various sectors. This approach laid the grounds for reinforcing Jewishidentity among most pupils of the State’s schools and creating the affinity between the Jewish and Israeli national identity
, Serbia’s Secret War: Propaganda and the Deceit of History (College Station,
TX: Texas A & M University Press, 1996) p. 117.
52 Ibid. p. 199.
53 Laslo Sekelj, ‘Antisemitism and JewishIdentity in Serbia After the 1991 Collapse of the
Yugoslav State’, in Analysis of Current Trends in Antisemitism, 1997 acta no. 12
(Jerusalem: The Vidal Sassoon International Center for the Study of Antisemitism/
Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1997) p. 1.
54 Florence Hamish Levinsohn, Belgrade: Among the Serbs (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1994)
55 Ibid. p. 251.
56 Quoted in Yelen