Joy Molina Mirasol, Felix S. Mirasol, Estela C. Itaas Jr., and Benjamin Maputi

12 Enhancing local policymakers’ capacity in environmental governance in the Philippines Joy Molina Mirasol, Felix S. Mirasol, Jr., Estela C. Itaas and Benjamin Maputi Context The forest land in the province of Bukidnon, Philippines, is continuously declining in terms of its economic and environmental capacity. Forest destruction by timber poachers and conversion of forest land for agriculture are rising to an alarming level, leaving the remaining forest cover significantly below the desired 45 percent cover to sustain its services. Such decline and

in Knowledge, democracy and action
Open Access (free)
Four Decisive Challenges Confronting Humanitarian Innovation
Gerard Finnigan and Otto Farkas

-6736(16)30768-1 . Burkle , F. M. Jr , Martone , G. and Greenough , P. G. ( 2013 ), ‘ The Changing Face of Humanitarian Crises’ , The Brown Journal of World Affairs , 20 : 11 , www.researchgate.net/profile/Frederick_Burkle/publication/278327937_The_Changing_Face_of_Humanitarian_Crises/links/557f23bc08aeea18b7795f06/The

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Environmental justice and citizen science in a post-truth age
Editors: Thom Davies and Alice Mah

This book examines the relationship between environmental justice and citizen science, focusing on enduring issues and new challenges in a post-truth age. Debates over science, facts, and values have always been pivotal within environmental justice struggles. For decades, environmental justice activists have campaigned against the misuses of science, while at the same time engaging in community-led citizen science. However, post-truth politics has threatened science itself. This book makes the case for the importance of science, knowledge, and data that are produced by and for ordinary people living with environmental risks and hazards. The international, interdisciplinary contributions range from grassroots environmental justice struggles in American hog country and contaminated indigenous communities, to local environmental controversies in Spain and China, to questions about “knowledge justice,” citizenship, participation, and data in citizen science surrounding toxicity. The book features inspiring studies of community-based participatory environmental health and justice research; different ways of sensing, witnessing, and interpreting environmental injustice; political strategies for seeking environmental justice; and ways of expanding the concepts and forms of engagement of citizen science around the world. While the book will be of critical interest to specialists in social and environmental sciences, it will also be accessible to graduate and postgraduate audiences. More broadly, the book will appeal to members of the public interested in social justice issues, as well as community members who are thinking about participating in citizen science and activism. Toxic Truths includes distinguished contributing authors in the field of environmental justice, alongside cutting-edge research from emerging scholars and community activists.

Andrew Monaghan

demonstrating at Bolotnaya Square on 10 December were communists calling to be ‘given back their city’. This re-emerged in 2013, with a study that suggested that the KPRF had even defeated UR in December 2011. 17 The other aspect of this shift to the political left were the results of the centre-left Just Russia (JR) party. Created in 2006 as a coalition of three parties, some suggest that it was created by the

in The new politics of Russia
Criteria for ecologically rational governance
Lennart J. Lundqvist

fit’ (see Pritchard Jr. et al. 1998:14) does not favour resource management patterns and practices compatible with ecologically rational and sustainable governance. This has led some to recommend the break-up of central government in favour of self-governing, self-sufficient bio-regions (see Sale 1984a and b). Apart from the somewhat astonishing neglect of the value of individual autonomy in certain proposals, one could muster empirical and instrumental counterarguments. Natural regions and areas are today so interpenetrated and transgressed by linked human

in Sweden and ecological governance
Ross M. English

members an opportunity to offer amendments to legislation. The motivation behind such amendments can vary. If different versions of the same bill emerge from the House and Senate, it is often necessary to call a House-Senate Conference to iron out the differences before the bill can be sent to the White House for the President’s signature. Notes 1 P. F. Boller Jr., Congressional Anecdotes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), p. 181. 2 Ibid.

in The United States Congress
Open Access (free)
Francisco E. González and Desmond King

2000; Klinkner and Smith 1998; Kryder 2000; Layton 2000; Plummer 1996; Von Eschen 1997). The main object of this scrutiny was the United States’ egregious treatment of African Americans and other minorities. (Already in 1919, Woodrow Wilson’s articulation of his 14-point programme for a new world order was challenged by Black Americans setting out their 14-point programme for the achievement of democracy at home (Rosenberg 1999).) Writing from jail in Birmingham, Alabama in 1963, Martin Luther King Jr. angrily declared: ‘we have waited for more than 340 years for our

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Jon Birger Skjærseth and Tora Skodvin

good understanding of Shell’s turnabout from a reactive to a proactive company. Additionally, it is difficult to understand on the basis of the CA and DP models why ExxonMobil did not modify its reactive strategy in the four-year period from the US’s signing of the Kyoto Protocol until Bush Jr was elected president. In this chapter, we shift our focus from the domestic to the international level. To what extent can the international climate regime explain the strategies chosen by the oil industry? Climate change is a global problem partly caused by global actors

in Climate change and the oil industry
Jon Birger Skjærseth and Tora Skodvin

usual’ scenario to reach the Kyoto target.23 However, the Senate would have to ratify the Kyoto Protocol before it could be viewed as a part of US policy (see chapter 6). Four years later, in January 2001, the former Texas governor George W. Bush was elected president. In March 2001, Bush Jr declared that the Kyoto Protocol was unacceptable because it would harm the US economy and because it failed to hold developing countries to strict emission limits. In February 2002, Bush unveiled proposals for a voluntary scheme to curb GHG emissions.24 This represented a

in Climate change and the oil industry
Ross M. English

Congressional Research Service, Membership of the 107th Congress: A Profile, order code: RS20760, p. 3. 4 D. R. Mayhew, Congress: The Electoral Connection (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1974). 5 Ibid, pp. 16–17. 6 R. F. Fenno Jr. Congressmen in Committees (Boston: Little, Brown, 1973). 7 W. Schiller, Partners and Rivals (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000). 8 See N. Ornstein, T. Mann and M. Malbin (eds.), Vital Statistics on Congress, 1999–2000 (Washington DC: American Enterprise Institute, 1999). 9 Figure from Rasmussen Research; supplied at www

in The United States Congress