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2504Chap9 7/4/03 12:41 pm Page 166 9 Paths to peace for NATO’s partnerships in Eurasia Joshua B. Spero This chapter examines the role of multilateral cooperative efforts and institutionalised security cooperation in the Eurasian area through a study of NATO’s PfP programme. In terms of measuring the capacity to increase Eurasian security, the general track record of the post-Cold War security institutions in non-traditional areas of societal democratisation, economic modernisation, civil and cross-border war prevention, and Eurasian integration presents a
ICRC held a roundtable in Geneva on ‘Translating humanitarian law into military tactics’. The aim was to consider how to conduct military operations within the limits of IHL and, in particular, to ponder appropriate, effective and yet legally acceptable rules of armed engagement. The four panellists included two military legal advisors (from NATO and the United States) and a colonel. While this may seem extremely cynical, the effort to better incorporate IHL into military
: Hurst ). Mazurana , D. and Donnelly , P. ( 2017 ), Stop the Sexual Assault against Humanitarian and Development Aid Workers Feinstein International Center Somerville, MA . Médecins Sans Frontières International Movement ( 2013 ), Famine and Forced Relocations in Ethiopia 1984–1986 MSF Speaks Out . Médecins Sans Frontières International Movement ( 2014a ), Violence against Kosovar Albanians, NATO’s Intervention 1998–1999 MSF Speaks Out . Médecins Sans Frontières International Movement ( 2014b ), War Crimes and Politics
the values and the interests shared across the Atlantic would be translated into common policies. In other words, an ever more united and stronger Europe would become inseparable from the United States, even as it remained separate from America.10 During the formative Cold War phase of Europe’s construction, US apprehensions were significant but also comprehensible. Keeping the Communists out of coalition governments in NATO countries was a matter of common sense. With hindsight, the passions aroused over US opposition to Eurocommunism, in Italy and elsewhere, are
approaches to crisis management, with the UN having introduced the ‘integrated mission’ concept already in the late 1990s. Other actors have followed, including the United States and individual EU member states, NATO and the EU. A comprehensive approach refers to the strategic objective of coordination and integration among different civilian and military actors involved in the conflict cycle, in order to
, the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), the attempts to reform NATO through the European Security and Defence Identity (ESDI), the negotiations with prospective new EU members in central and eastern Europe, along with the struggle to recast the EU’s constitution. In effect, the EU seems determined to make itself the dominant institution in the new panEurope.3 Europe’s big ambitions leave it rather vulnerable. Completing the European Union on a pan-European scale will require, at the very least, a long period of
governments of Britain, Greece, Turkey and Cyprus wanted him to appoint a UN observer in Cyprus. 9 Nevertheless Britain and the United States repeatedly produced plans which largely excluded the UN but included NATO. Opposition to the NATO option Following the deadlock in London, two Anglo-American proposals for NATO peacekeeping in Cyprus were refused by Makarios
the twentieth century, the European system has ceased to be ‘European’ – the great powers are no longer solely European in the cultural or geographical sense. The end of the Cold War eradicated the cordon sanitaire provided by the Soviet empire that largely protected the prosperous western half of Europe from the dysfunctional social, ideological or religious, political and economic systems of Eurasia. Paradoxically, the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), the institution that best served the security interests of the West in its competition with the Soviet
principal regional institutions have largely failed to cultivate cooperative multilateralism. Can they do so singularly or in combination in the future? Multilateral form and the security dilemma The basic conditions underlying western models of multilateral institutional cooperation do not exist in Eurasia.3 In the transatlantic context, the major institutions reflected a benign American hegemony and acquiescent western European states. NATO, for example, survives because its combination of American power and institutional attributes enhanced cooperation between its
. The BSEC was officially transformed from an initiative into a ‘regional economic organisation’ on 5 June 1998, when a charter was signed that made it into a formal organisation.3 The BSEC is neither an economic community along the lines of the EU nor a security alliance like NATO. In addition, its capacity for authoritative decisions over economic and political issues is restricted. It envisages neither the creation of a preferential trading area nor the introduction of a common external tariff. Discussions on the establishment of a free trade area, which led to an