146 CASE STUDIES
National machinery for gender equality
in Sweden and other Nordiccountries
In this chapter I want to describe the ‘Nordic model’ of
national machinery for gender equality. I want to show the
similarities between the countries, but also the differences.
The official Nordic cooperation on gender equality, conducted by the Nordic Council of Ministers, is based on the
development of pilot projects and reports on priority areas.
It provides excellent opportunities to develop new methods
and strategies and is a forum
The role of national machineries, as a way to promote the status of women, acquired international relevance during the World Conference on the International Women's Year, in Mexico City in 1975. This book reflects Division for the Advancement of Women's (DAW) long-standing interest in the area of national machineries, bringing together the experiences, research and insights of experts. The first part of the book sets out the major issues facing national machineries at the conceptual level. It reflects upon five aspects of democratization: devolution or decentralization; the role of political parties; monitoring and auditing systems; and the importance of increasing the presence of women within institutions of the state and government. The second part is a comparative analysis and sets out the major issues facing national machineries at the political level. A combination of factors, including civil society, state bodies and political actors, need to come together for national machineries to function effectively in the interest of gender equality. Next comes the 'lessons learned' by national machineries in mainstreaming gender. National machineries should have an achievable agenda, an important part of which must be 'a re-definition of gender issues. The third part contains case studies that build upon the specific experiences of national machineries in different countries. The successful experience of Nordic countries in gender mainstreaming is also discussed.
examines the successful
experience of Nordiccountries in gender mainstreaming.
Åseskog links the attainment of gender equality with the
‘Nordic welfare state model’. She argues that in the Nordiccountries, the ‘political view prevails that society can
progress in a more democratic direction only when the competence, knowledge, experience and values of both women
and men are acknowledged and allowed to influence and
enrich developments in all spheres of society’ (p. 148). The
argument here is also that a consensus about the equality
of men and women within a political
, Northwestern Russia has
been more renowned for its environmental degradation than for its
abundant resources.18 Since Western journalists were gradually given
easier access to this heavily militarised region from the mid-1980s,
the black tree stumps of the dying forests around Nikel and
Monchegorsk have come to symbolise the sullen environmental
state of Russia to many in the West. The nickel smelters of these two
towns had virtually killed the forests surrounding them and served
as sources of pollution also for the neighbouring Nordiccountries
and other parts of Russia
Change. Explaining the
Swedish Reorientation on EC Membership (Lund: Lund University Press,
1998); Magnus Jerneck, ‘Sweden – The Reluctant European?’, in: Teija
Tiilikainen and Damgaard Petersen (eds), The NordicCountries and the EC
(Copenhagen: Political Studies Press, 1993); Cynthia Kite, ‘Scandinavia Faces
EU. Debates and Decisions on Membership 1961–1994’, University of Umeå,
Research Report, No. 2/1996; Paul Luif, ‘On the Road to Brussels. The
Political Dimension of Austria’s, Finland’s and Sweden’s Accession to the
European Union’, Laxenburg Papers, No. 11
post-Cold War diplomacy, it
seems that the division between globally ‘small’ or medium-status states,
such as the Nordiccountries and Canada, still mattered. In a set of
interviews carried out between 2007 and 2011 with diplomats from many
Arctic states, Arctic governance participants (broadly construed) were
asked who led, who followed and who mattered (Wilson Rowe, 2013b).
Interviewees from the non-great power states (Norway, Canada and
Theorising Arctic hierarchies 69
Denmark/Greenland) were unanimous in underlining the importance of
the USA and Russia
cooperation and the Arctic Environment.
(MFA, Finland, 2015: 3)
Sweden’s statement highlights the more oblique way that most of the
other Nordiccountries addressed the question of broader issues in inter41
national relations between the countries gathered in Iqaluit: ‘there
Table 2 High-level statements at the Iqaluit ministerial meeting
If yes, how?
Noted strained international relations,
and underlined importance of peace
and cooperation in the Arctic.
In terms of enlargement, when it became a member of the EU in 1973,
the UK came to the table with a very liberal view. In contrast, when the
Iberian countries became members of the EU in 1986, Spain and Portugal
came to the table advocating a more protectionist agenda (Woolcock 2005).
This was further complicated when the Nordiccountries became members
of the EU in 1995, although this was somewhat neutralized when the EU
enlarged further in 2004. More specifically, the countries that joined in
2004 tended to advocate a less liberal position compared to the Nordic
and a banknote counter (of the kind used in banking establishments)
were found. This is the usual arsenal of a drugs traﬃcker, which is exactly Princ
Dobroshi’s trade. He is a big-time drug traﬃcker and for the Norwegian police,
Dobroshi ‘controls the Scandinavian drugs market’; to be exact, the northern
path of the Balkans route (Turkey–Balkans–Czech Republic–Nordiccountries).
Dobroshi has imported hundreds of kilograms, even tonnes of heroin into
Scandinavia. Arrested in Norway in 1993, Dobroshi was sentenced at the end of
1994 to fourteen years in prison for
The impact of EU membership and advancing integration
. The latter trend will be dealt with further in the
next section of this chapter. Also, the accession of Austria, Finland and Sweden
has increased the number of EU member states that are not tied to a (significant) colonial past and do not necessarily share the automatic attention and
preference for Europe’s traditional developing country partners. This came, for
example, to the fore in the post-Lomé discussions on the possible extension of
the ACP group to non-ACP LDCs (e.g. Bhutan and Nepal), which the Nordiccountries were in favour of (van Reisen, 1997: 164; see