NorthAtlanticTreatyOrganisation on 22 April 1999, in Presse- und
Informationsamt der Bundesregierung, Bulletin , no. 19, 23
April 1999, p. 193.
‘The Alliance’s New Strategic
Concept’, agreed at the North Atlantic Council in Rome,
7–8 November 1991, section 15, available online: http://www.nato.int/docu/comm/c911107a
Russia in terms of business, but also in sensitive areas including in
the military and intelligence domains.
Another interpretation draws attention to the persistent
friction between the West, particularly in its institutional forms such
as the European Union (EU) and NorthAtlanticTreatyOrganisation (NATO)
and Russia, whether over questions of wider Euro-Atlantic security, such
as that caused by the
Active Engagement, Modern Defence. Strategic
Concept for the Defence and Security of the Members of the NorthAtlanticTreatyOrganisation (19–20 November 2010),
www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/official_texts_68580.htm . A
Secure Europe in a Better World: European Security Strategy , Brussels (12 December 2003), www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cmsUpload/78367.pdf
, rather, is to examine and assess the impact of the Kosovo
crisis on the continuing evolution and development of key issues relating to
post-Cold War European security overall.
In measuring this impact the discussions begin, logically, with
the NorthAtlanticTreatyOrganisation (NATO). This was the chosen
instrument through which its member states sought to achieve their objective
of compelling the government of President
Quotations taken from the text of the treaty
reprinted in The NorthAtlanticTreatyOrganisation: Facts and
Figures (Brussels, NATO, 1989), p. 376.
The presence of non-democracies in NATO’s
ranks remained a bone of contention. See ‘Heirs of Pericles’
in ‘Knights in shining armour? – A survey of NATO
The Weberian principle of the state as possessing a legitimate monopoly on violence is fading. Sovereigns no longer hold this monopoly; it now belongs to the international community. This chapter investigates the effects of this fading of legitimacy. Expanding on a framework suggested by the Copenhagen School of international relations, the chapter argues that the Kosovo war is a crucial part of two on-going shifts. In Kosovo, the states going to war as the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) Alliance represented themselves as 'humanity', the implication being that Serbia was cast as an enemy not only of human rights but of humanity. The Kosovo war defines the epoch exactly because it focused on the simultaneously existing conflict lines upon which politics is constituted. Serbia's attempts to legitimise its stance as a warring state defending the idea of state sovereignty was represented as an anachronism.
Virtuousness, virtuality and virtuosity in NATO’s representation of the Kosovo campaign
Jean Baudrillard's diagnosis of the Gulf War applies to the expression of organised violence in contemporary politics. This chapter describes that Kosovo campaign lends evidence to the suspicion that war as such no longer 'takes place', but that it has transmogrified into a different game with a different logic. As Paul Patton argues in his Introduction to Baudrillard's The Gulf War, virtual war, the war over truth rather than territory, is an integral part of modern warfare. North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) has conducted an epistemic war to secure its privileged moral status, fighting against the systemic anarchy of the international system, the inherent ambivalence and undecidability that necessitates and demands the political designation of identity. The chapter analyses NATO's virtuoso campaign to virtualise Operation Allied Force in order to represent itself as the virtuous actor in the messy reality of war.
This chapter presents an anatomical comparison of the conflicts in Chechnya and Kosovo, emphasising the remarkable similarity between the two. It focuses on to the responses of Russia and North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) to the respective Chechen and Kosovo problems. The chapter discusses rationales and motives can, in the absence of any convincing Realist interests, best explain NATO's and Russia's decision to go to war. It shows how Chechnya and Kosovo are linked, both by Realpolitik and, perhaps more directly, by each being the focal point of an on-going war of interpretation. The outcome of each of these wars of interpretation may influence the European security landscape more than the 'hot war' in Kosovo. Both the Chechen and the Kosovo conflict are essentially a by-product of the breakdown of the Soviet and Yugoslav ethno-federations.
Democratisation, nationalism and security in former Yugoslavia
Martin A. Smith
The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) has taken a prominent security role in international attempts to make work the political settlements in Bosnia, Kosovo and, to a lesser extent, Macedonia. Just as NATO's ‘humanitarian intervention’ over Kosovo highlighted the normative tension between the doctrine of non-intervention in sovereign states versus efforts to promote respect for human rights that transcend state boundaries, the subsequent efforts at peace-building have revealed other normative conundrums. For NATO and other international institutions, this has made South East Europe a normative labyrinth where democracy, ‘stateness’, identity and security are difficult to bring together. This chapter examines the international attempts at peace-building in the former Yugoslavia by focusing on the challenges to efforts to bring lasting stability posed by democratisation, ethnic nationalism and the promotion of security. It also discusses the Dayton agreement and its impact on human rights and multiculturalism in Bosnia, the Stability Pact, and nationalism's relationship to democratic norms.