established global order has been greatly exaggerated, then you will doubt that
those changes are likely to pose any existential challenge to the humanitarian international, be
it in terms of the efficacy of what relief groups do in the field or in terms of the political
and moral legitimacy they can aspire to enjoy.
But if, on the contrary, you believe that we are living in the last days of a doomed system
– established in the aftermath of World War II and dominated by the US – then the
humanitarian international is no more likely to survive (or to put
This text aims to fill a gap in the field of Middle Eastern political studies by combining international relations theory with concrete case studies. It begins with an overview of the rules and features of the Middle East regional system—the arena in which the local states, including Egypt, Turkey, Iran, Israel and the Arab states of Syria, Jordan and Iraq, operate. The book goes on to analyse foreign-policy-making in key states, illustrating how systemic determinants constrain this policy-making, and how these constraints are dealt with in distinctive ways depending on the particular domestic features of the individual states. Finally, it goes on to look at the outcomes of state policies by examining several major conflicts including the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Gulf War, and the system of regional alignment. The study assesses the impact of international penetration in the region, including the historic reasons behind the formation of the regional state system. It also analyses the continued role of external great powers, such as the United States and the former Soviet Union, and explains the process by which the region has become incorporated into the global capitalist market.
granted that the world is a secure place for First World [i.e.
developed] states and their citizens’, while the same is not true
for developing world countries ( Job, 1992 : 11).
This chapter’s purpose is to broaden the definition
of security by including regimes and societies as essential referent
objects of security. Demands for social, economic and political rights
across the Middle East have threatened
I N THE
MIDDLE East, security is strongly influenced by
politicized forms of fundamental belief systems. This chapter examines
the dual role of political Islam, with specific focus on Palestine and
the case of Hamas , the Islamic Resistance Movement, in the West
Bank and Gaza. In this context, political Islam represents a general
rejection of the Arab
Everyday resistance and everyday order in
espite the increasing involvement of peacebuilding strategies in spheres
of sovereign authority after the Cold War, and despite the fact that these
strategies aim to reconstitute state authority, peacebuilding continues to
be thought of as external to the conflicts and violent dynamics it addresses. The
critical peace and conflict studies literature has challenged this vision, but in
trying to understand the power dynamics in peacebuilding processes it has
reified a binary vision by analysing these
As both candidate and throughout his first two years as president to early 2019, Donald Trump employed unilateral actions and flamboyant posturing in upending the strong commitment to positive diplomacy and political engagement of regional governments and organisations of the previous administrations of Barack Obama. Two years into his presidential term, Trump remained avowedly unpredictable as he junked related policy transparency, carefully measured responses, and avoidance of dramatic action, linkage or spill-over among competing interests
relations, this study will deploy a combination of several to capture its complex reality.
The Middle East is arguably the epicentre of world crisis, chronically war-prone and the site of the world’s most protracted conflicts. It appears to be the region where the anarchy and insecurity seen by the realist school of international politics as the main feature of states systems remains most in evidence and where the realist paradigm retains its greatest relevance. Yet neo-realism’s 1 a-historical tendency to assume states systems to be unchanging
The Politics of ‘Proximity’ and Performing Humanitarianism in Eastern DRC
actors so that NGOs can negotiate access to operate in the fragmented and shifting political landscape. The members of the Cercle represent the backbone of humanitarian presence in North Kivu. As one of the founders put it, we are like ‘fixers’ as well as humanitarians, and this is our ‘Congolese space of aid’. Although it does not feature in most official narratives, the ability of international humanitarian organisations to work in eastern DRC depends on this Congolese space of aid, which operates alongside the world of mobile foreign staff.
This article explores
How we understand violence is key to how we conceptualise every single political category. We know nothing of claims to democracy, security, rights, justice and human development without attending to its underwriting demands. But what if the ways this understanding was framed rested upon highly contestable assumptions and political claims? We know violence is a complex phenomenon that continues to defy neat description. And we know it is poorly understood if reduced to actual bodily assault. Violence is an attack upon a person’s dignity, sense
Drawing its energy from the wave of New Left and counter-cultural radicalism of the 1960s
( Boltanski and Chiapello, 2005 ), an NGO-led direct
humanitarian action pushed onto the international stage during the 1970s. The radicalism of this
new anti-establishment sans frontières humanitarianism lay in its
political challenge to the conventions of Cold War sovereignty. By being there on the ground it
sought to hold sovereign power to account, witnessing its excesses while professing a