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Middle-Aged Syrian Women’s Contributions to Family Livelihoods during Protracted Displacement in Jordan
Dina Sidhva, Ann-Christin Zuntz, Ruba al Akash, Ayat Nashwan, and Areej Al-Majali

lack of business skills and access to microcredit; it also heightens domestic tensions ( Ritchie, 2018 ). In a nation-wide survey, REACH and UN Women (2016) found that 20 per cent of Syrian women in Jordan were currently working, but only 2 per cent held a work permit. More than half of working Syrian women preferred to work from home, due to lack of childcare and public transport. Similarly, cash-for-work programmes in Zaatari Camp failed to address women’s lack of access to the labour

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
A Congolese Experience
Justine Brabant

solid network, such as MSF. When it is time to set off, I will probably turn to the humanitarian organisation’s jeeps, which are considered safer and faster than public transport, or even to a MONUSCO flight if I want to get to hard-to-reach places quickly – for example, the high plateaus of Minembwe. If, finally, I have the misfortune to be a freelance journalist and have no media outlet placing a satellite telephone at my disposal, my usual response would probably be to

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Neil McNaughton

fierce opposition from a variety of local anti-roads campaign groups). Indeed, when London Mayor Ken Livingstone announced the introduction of congestion charges in the city centre and proposed parking taxes, the government seemed remarkably hostile. Labour has also dragged its feet on such issues as road tolls to reduce motorway traffic and a taxation system designed to reduce the use of largeengined cars which produce most pollution. Its 1998 Transport White Paper promised more spending on public transport to get cars off the road, in combination with a variety of

in Understanding British and European political issues
Open Access (free)
Environmental justice and citizen science in a post-truth age
Editors: Thom Davies and Alice Mah

This book examines the relationship between environmental justice and citizen science, focusing on enduring issues and new challenges in a post-truth age. Debates over science, facts, and values have always been pivotal within environmental justice struggles. For decades, environmental justice activists have campaigned against the misuses of science, while at the same time engaging in community-led citizen science. However, post-truth politics has threatened science itself. This book makes the case for the importance of science, knowledge, and data that are produced by and for ordinary people living with environmental risks and hazards. The international, interdisciplinary contributions range from grassroots environmental justice struggles in American hog country and contaminated indigenous communities, to local environmental controversies in Spain and China, to questions about “knowledge justice,” citizenship, participation, and data in citizen science surrounding toxicity. The book features inspiring studies of community-based participatory environmental health and justice research; different ways of sensing, witnessing, and interpreting environmental injustice; political strategies for seeking environmental justice; and ways of expanding the concepts and forms of engagement of citizen science around the world. While the book will be of critical interest to specialists in social and environmental sciences, it will also be accessible to graduate and postgraduate audiences. More broadly, the book will appeal to members of the public interested in social justice issues, as well as community members who are thinking about participating in citizen science and activism. Toxic Truths includes distinguished contributing authors in the field of environmental justice, alongside cutting-edge research from emerging scholars and community activists.

Open Access (free)
Neil McNaughton

by law in such industries as coal, steel, electricity, telephones, gas and water supply. After privatisation, therefore, there remained the problem of how to ensure that the industries remained competitive when they did not have to contend with normal market forces. Two kinds of response were introduced. The first was simply to introduce competition: to allow other private firms to compete. This is what occurred with British Airways, municipal public transport, and steel and coal. In other industries, however, competition was not feasible at first. These are the

in Understanding British and European political issues
Peter Dorey

the spring of 2001); the closure of rural schools and post offices (previously endorsed by many Conservatives on the grounds of cost-effectiveness and lack of economic viability); the paucity of public transport in rural areas (particularly in the wake of deregulation or privatisation of transport, whereupon many rural routes were deemed ‘not commercially viable’); the high cost of housing in many villages, which many younger people raised in them cannot afford, in which case they often move away, leaving the villages either to atrophy, or be ‘colonised’ by former

in The Conservatives in Crisis
Neil McNaughton

-Caribbean descent, a few residents from the Indian sub-continent and groups of Chinese immigrants, but they had been insignificant in size or impact. Then everything began to change in the second half of the 1950s. The first significant wave of non-white immigration occurred in the 1950s. This was a time of full employment and there were significant shortages of labour in such fields as the health service and public transport. To meet the shortages, the government introduced a system of subsidised immigration, most from the West Indies. With expenses paid, the new immigrants were

in Understanding British and European political issues
Open Access (free)
The German model of federalism
Arthur B. Gunlicks

districts responsible for schools, public housing, airports, parks, sewerage, public transport, etc., and the French prefectures or German cities and counties in which virtually all public activities are the administrative responsibility of the local general purpose executives. “Participatory federalism” is another term frequently applied to Germany. This refers to the participation by the Länder in federal legislation, that is, national policy making. This occurs informally through a variety of committees and conferences, such as the conference of Land prime ministers

in The Länder and German federalism
Science shops and policy development
Eileen Martin, Emma McKenna, Henk Mulder, and Norbert Steinhaus

questions (such as, for example, the issue of local air quality) were the key elements of this EC call. The call was widely publicized by the network and a total of twenty-seven eligible applications were received, indicating the strength and diversity of the science shop movement, with four projects eventually being funded. These dealt with health effects of noise from wind turbines; cycling and air pollution; optimizing public transport for the elderly; and mental health care for immigrant communities. Even where these applications were unsuccessful, productive networks

in Knowledge, democracy and action
Locating the monsters in the machine: an investigation of faith
Roda Madziva and Vivien Lowndes

people’s faith technically, while at the same time assuming it must be coherent and have Western or European reference points. As one male asylum seeker told us: In my interview, I was asked questions like … How do you celebrate Christmas? How do you celebrate Easter? … and many other questions. 84 Science and the politics of openness I have now learnt that Christmas is a big event in this country not only for Christians but for everyone. It’s regarded as a family day, no public transport because everyone is celebrating Christmas with their family. But this is not

in Science and the politics of openness