Scientists realised that they would need to fight in support of their cause. In
short, it became clear that ‘research has to be justified to the
satisfaction of the lay community and its parliamentary
representatives’. 55 The
scientists who were newly mobilised to fight for their cause regarded
themselves as fighters for scientificfreedom, integrity and rationality,
pitted against the ignorant, emotional and irrational public. They were
the arrest and execution of scientists opposed to Trofim Lysenko,
who fraudulently claimed to have perfected a way of increasing
crop yields and transmitting acquired characteristics to later generations.88 Supporters of scientificfreedom argued that the collapse of
Soviet genetics and agriculture proved just how harmful external
interference was for science.
Support for club regulation was strengthened further during the
1950s, thanks to advances in biological and medical research such
as the development of effective anti-tuberculosis drugs, open-heart
–1914’, Journal of Contemporary History , 20:4 (1985), 503–20.
36 D. L. Brick, J. Brick, and J. W. Richardson, ‘Fining the doctor’, BMJ , 2:4902, S.233 (1954), 241.
37 Though perhaps one explanation for the divergence between practice and responses lay in the connections between voluntary institutions and autonomy in the professional imagination: S. Hastings, ‘Scientificfreedom and social medicine’, BMJ , 1:4290 (1943), 392–3.
38 ‘Administration of special departments’, BMJ , 2:4784, S.2486 (1952
democracy was to safeguard scholarly and
scientificfreedom. After a few years, however, interest in the forum
cooled significantly, and in 1949 the discussions in Marburg took
place for the last time.11 Under British guidance, a commission was
set up which mainly consisted of reform-minded German academics.
They visited most universities in the three western zones, and in
1948 they presented a comprehensive reform proposal, the so-called
‘Gutachten zur Hochschulreform’ (literally ‘experts’ report concerning
the reform of higher education’). In the ‘Blaues Gutachten
lofty as those once championed
by the German university, argued Habermas.108
Hochschule in der Demokratie discussed the university’s organisation and place in society, along with democracy and scholarly-scientificfreedom, the university’s ideology, and the situation of the students.
A concluding excursus was devoted to ‘Women and the university’,
as though this were a marginal topic. The authors’ relationship to
the German university tradition became particularly obvious in an
introductory historical chapter and in the third part of the book.
Like the text from 1961