German Responses to the June 2019 Mission of the Sea-Watch 3
internal borders, or when they are faced with deportation. Such support has nevertheless been significant, because it potentially challenges the right of nation-states to determine who enters their territory and who is allowed to stay, and because it is often primarily prompted by a sense of solidarity, rather than by a sense of compassion towards suffering fellow humans. Those engaged in such acts of solidarity include, for example, French olive farmer Cédric Herrou, who since 2015 has assisted migrants crossing from Italy to France, and Swedish student Elin Ersson, who
authoritative source for explaining the 1994 genocide of the Tutsi and to a lesser extent violence perpetrated by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). The book also became the basis for numerous prosecutions of accused genocide perpetrators. Even before publication of the text, Des Forges worked closely with prosecutors at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), and after its publication, the book became the basis for numerous cases in Arusha. Leave None to Tell also has served as the basis for prosecutions in Canada, Belgium, France, Sweden, Finland and the
one was asked to apologise, but was allowed to keep his job ( Parker, 2018 ). The woman who had raised
these concerns, Amira Malik Miller, had been subsequently working for the Swedish
International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA) when she saw Van
Hauwermeiren’s name listed as the Oxfam country director in Chad; she had
raised concerns both with Oxfam and with SIDA, who were an Oxfam funder, but these
had been ignored ( Ratcliffe, 2018 ).
Astonishingly, Oxfam, when
The Law and Politics of Responding to Attacks against Aid Workers
Julia Brooks and Rob Grace
has aimed to offer a more expansive security management framework to facilitate policy conversations about what is actually going on in the field, why these tensions are persisting and what alternatives to current approaches exist.
The interviews for this article were conducted under the auspices of the Harvard Humanitarian Initiative, with funding from the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency, fund number: 210665. The authors wish to thank Anaïde Nahikian, who collaborated on designing the interview methodology and
Lessons Learned for Engagement in Fragile and Conflict-Affected States
the South Sudan Crisis .
Danish Demining Group and the Swedish International Development Agency
. ( 2010 )
SIDA DDG Evaluation: Final Report South Sudan .
Danish Refugee Council (DRC)
. ( 2014 )
Post Relocation Evaluation: Key Findings & Life in the New POC .
earlier choices had become irreversible. Now, talks of dissolution of NATO
(in the United States) or withdrawal from ‘Europe’ (for any of its members)
had become meaningless. Instead, enlargement to the east quickly became
the favoured option that would move NATO but also the EU beyond their
Cold War areas so that neither could be moved out of business. In 1995,
Europe’s fourth enlargement – to Austria, Finland and Sweden – involved
nearly all the European states that had chosen to be, or were compelled to
remain, neutral during the Cold War. In 1999, NATO’s fourth
-state actors arose from PfP multilateral regional cooperative security
that promoted, for example, counter-terrorist education, training and planning among Eurasian PfP members.7
Establishing durable procedures and processes for PfP initially presented a
major challenge to NATO planners. By working with key allies such as Great
Britain, Germany, Norway, Denmark, the Netherlands, Italy, Greece and
Turkey, and critical PfP partners such as Poland, Ukraine, Finland, Sweden,
Albania, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, America led the
shaping of PfP. Washington gave
remained limited and indirect, as exemplified by its support for a
one-week human rights seminar held by the Swedish Raoul Wallenberg
Institute. UNAVEM II’s police contingent, tasked with monitoring
the organisation, operation and neutrality of the new Angolan police
force, was not equipped to perform this duty. 55 Margaret Anstee would express
that UNAVEM II did not have an effective human
Washington’s painful search for a credible China policy
but failed to deliver any lasting results. As Head of the Asia Department in the Swedish Foreign Ministry I visited North Korea a number of times. In 2001 I accompanied Prime Minister Göran Persson, then-chairperson of the European Council, to Pyongyang for an EU–North Korean summit with Kim Jong-il.
South Korean President Kim Dae-jung’s Sunshine policy and the Clinton administration’s advanced direct talks with Pyongyang had created a conducive climate, but when President George W. Bush entered the White House in 2001, he launched a policy reversal, choosing to
://foreignpolicy.com/2011/10/11/americas-pacific-century/ , accessed 9 March 2019.
12 See Goldberg, ‘Hillary Clinton’.
13 C. Li, ‘Assessing US-China Relations Under the Obama Administration’, The Brookings Institution (30 August 2016), www.brookings.edu/opinions/assessing-u-s-china-relations-under-the-obama-administration/ , accessed 8 March 2019.
14 O. Turner, ‘China and the 2016 US Presidential Debates: Curiosities and Contradictions’, Swedish Institute of International Affairs, Brief no. 3 (2015), www.ui.se/globalassets/butiken/ui-brief/2015/china-and-the-2016-us