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German Responses to the June 2019 Mission of the Sea-Watch 3
Klaus Neumann

internal borders, or when they are faced with deportation. Such support has nevertheless been significant, because it potentially challenges the right of nation-states to determine who enters their territory and who is allowed to stay, and because it is often primarily prompted by a sense of solidarity, rather than by a sense of compassion towards suffering fellow humans. Those engaged in such acts of solidarity include, for example, French olive farmer Cédric Herrou, who since 2015 has assisted migrants crossing from Italy to France, and Swedish student Elin Ersson, who

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Timothy Longman

authoritative source for explaining the 1994 genocide of the Tutsi and to a lesser extent violence perpetrated by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). The book also became the basis for numerous prosecutions of accused genocide perpetrators. Even before publication of the text, Des Forges worked closely with prosecutors at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), and after its publication, the book became the basis for numerous cases in Arusha. Leave None to Tell also has served as the basis for prosecutions in Canada, Belgium, France, Sweden, Finland and the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
The Aid Industry and the ‘Me Too’ Movement
Charlotte Lydia Riley

one was asked to apologise, but was allowed to keep his job ( Parker, 2018 ). The woman who had raised these concerns, Amira Malik Miller, had been subsequently working for the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA) when she saw Van Hauwermeiren’s name listed as the Oxfam country director in Chad; she had raised concerns both with Oxfam and with SIDA, who were an Oxfam funder, but these had been ignored ( Ratcliffe, 2018 ). Astonishingly, Oxfam, when

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
The Law and Politics of Responding to Attacks against Aid Workers
Julia Brooks and Rob Grace

has aimed to offer a more expansive security management framework to facilitate policy conversations about what is actually going on in the field, why these tensions are persisting and what alternatives to current approaches exist. Acknowledgements The interviews for this article were conducted under the auspices of the Harvard Humanitarian Initiative, with funding from the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency, fund number: 210665. The authors wish to thank Anaïde Nahikian, who collaborated on designing the interview methodology and

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Lessons Learned for Engagement in Fragile and Conflict-Affected States
Logan Cochrane

the South Sudan Crisis . Danish Demining Group and the Swedish International Development Agency . ( 2010 ) SIDA DDG Evaluation: Final Report South Sudan . Danish Refugee Council (DRC) . ( 2014 ) Post Relocation Evaluation: Key Findings & Life in the New POC .

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
A bounded security role in a greater Europe
Simon Serfaty

’s earlier choices had become irreversible. Now, talks of dissolution of NATO (in the United States) or withdrawal from ‘Europe’ (for any of its members) had become meaningless. Instead, enlargement to the east quickly became the favoured option that would move NATO but also the EU beyond their Cold War areas so that neither could be moved out of business. In 1995, Europe’s fourth enlargement – to Austria, Finland and Sweden – involved nearly all the European states that had chosen to be, or were compelled to remain, neutral during the Cold War. In 1999, NATO’s fourth

in Limiting institutions?
Joshua B. Spero

-state actors arose from PfP multilateral regional cooperative security that promoted, for example, counter-terrorist education, training and planning among Eurasian PfP members.7 Establishing durable procedures and processes for PfP initially presented a major challenge to NATO planners. By working with key allies such as Great Britain, Germany, Norway, Denmark, the Netherlands, Italy, Greece and Turkey, and critical PfP partners such as Poland, Ukraine, Finland, Sweden, Albania, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, America led the shaping of PfP. Washington gave

in Limiting institutions?
Eşref Aksu

remained limited and indirect, as exemplified by its support for a one-week human rights seminar held by the Swedish Raoul Wallenberg Institute. UNAVEM II’s police contingent, tasked with monitoring the organisation, operation and neutrality of the new Angolan police force, was not equipped to perform this duty. 55 Margaret Anstee would express regret that UNAVEM II did not have an effective human

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Washington’s painful search for a credible China policy
Börje Ljunggren

but failed to deliver any lasting results. As Head of the Asia Department in the Swedish Foreign Ministry I visited North Korea a number of times. In 2001 I accompanied Prime Minister Göran Persson, then-chairperson of the European Council, to Pyongyang for an EU–North Korean summit with Kim Jong-il. South Korean President Kim Dae-jung’s Sunshine policy and the Clinton administration’s advanced direct talks with Pyongyang had created a conducive climate, but when President George W. Bush entered the White House in 2001, he launched a policy reversal, choosing to

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Obama’s legacy in US China Policy
Peter Gries

:// , accessed 9 March 2019. 12 See Goldberg, ‘Hillary Clinton’. 13 C. Li, ‘Assessing US-China Relations Under the Obama Administration’, The Brookings Institution (30 August 2016), , accessed 8 March 2019. 14 O. Turner, ‘China and the 2016 US Presidential Debates: Curiosities and Contradictions’, Swedish Institute of International Affairs, Brief no. 3 (2015),

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific