German Responses to the June 2019 Mission of the Sea-Watch 3
internal borders, or when they are faced with deportation. Such support has nevertheless been significant, because it potentially challenges the right of nation-states to determine who enters their territory and who is allowed to stay, and because it is often primarily prompted by a sense of solidarity, rather than by a sense of compassion towards suffering fellow humans. Those engaged in such acts of solidarity include, for example, French olive farmer Cédric Herrou, who since 2015 has assisted migrants crossing from Italy to France, and Swedish student Elin Ersson, who
authoritative source for explaining the 1994 genocide of the Tutsi and to a lesser extent violence perpetrated by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). The book also became the basis for numerous prosecutions of accused genocide perpetrators. Even before publication of the text, Des Forges worked closely with prosecutors at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), and after its publication, the book became the basis for numerous cases in Arusha. Leave None to Tell also has served as the basis for prosecutions in Canada, Belgium, France, Sweden, Finland and the
one was asked to apologise, but was allowed to keep his job ( Parker, 2018 ). The woman who had raised
these concerns, Amira Malik Miller, had been subsequently working for the Swedish
International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA) when she saw Van
Hauwermeiren’s name listed as the Oxfam country director in Chad; she had
raised concerns both with Oxfam and with SIDA, who were an Oxfam funder, but these
had been ignored ( Ratcliffe, 2018 ).
Astonishingly, Oxfam, when
The Law and Politics of Responding to Attacks against Aid Workers
Julia Brooks and Rob Grace
has aimed to offer a more expansive security management framework to facilitate policy conversations about what is actually going on in the field, why these tensions are persisting and what alternatives to current approaches exist.
The interviews for this article were conducted under the auspices of the Harvard Humanitarian Initiative, with funding from the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency, fund number: 210665. The authors wish to thank Anaïde Nahikian, who collaborated on designing the interview methodology and
Lessons Learned for Engagement in Fragile and Conflict-Affected States
the South Sudan Crisis .
Danish Demining Group and the Swedish International Development Agency
. ( 2010 )
SIDA DDG Evaluation: Final Report South Sudan .
Danish Refugee Council (DRC)
. ( 2014 )
Post Relocation Evaluation: Key Findings & Life in the New POC .
The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand,
and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that
violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state)
health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence
against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human
rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence
against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of
the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the
horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’
dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional
and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept
of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence
against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on
the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised
in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an
innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due
diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment).
The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the
ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).
inclusion for sport in order to (1) protect sports rules from EU law
and (2) develop common sport policy (with legal and budgetary base).
Strong support within European Parliament (particularly Party of
European Socialists) and elements within Education and Culture DG.
Support from EU Governments (excluding Britain, Denmark and
Sweden). In the absence of Treaty base the maximalists demonstrate
commitment to the socio-cultural dimension of sport by seeking to use
sport to strengthen subsystems such as education, health, youth, social
exclusion and media. In absence of
States should consult by end-2010 on national plans for net neutrality,
with the result that BEREC, 51 Sweden, 52 UK, 53 France 54 and others did so, 55 with Italy following in 2011. 56 Non-members Canada, 57 Norway 58 and the United States 59 had already done so. The European
Commission rather lamely concluded in November, from 318 responses, that
everyone agreed the Open Internet was important, and presumably also
US, Sweden and the UK), such networks can be expected to actively engage
in spreading such practices internationally.
Conclusion and further research
I considered whether zero rating
poses a serious challenge to Open Internet use, examined the country
case studies that demonstrate its regulation, and suggested areas for further independent research into the
These programmes could assist in the implementation of maximalist policy
goals whilst providing sports bodies with an alternative source of income.
The moderates do not support the development of a common sports policy
The future of EU sports law and policy
but do wish to see the legal environment clarified through the adoption of a
Treaty protocol on sport which would place a legal obligation on the EU to
recognise the specificity of sport within its legal framework. Finally, the minimalists (particularly the Governments of Britain, Sweden